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MAIN 


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CONSPIRACY 


SPANIARDS  AGAINST  VENICE, 


JOHN    LEWIS    FIESCO 


GENOA* 


BOSTON: 

HILLIARD,   GRAY,  LITTLE  &   WILKINS, 

1828. 


^r^/r-7 


HENRY  MORSE  STEFHEIIS 


DISTRICT    OF    MASSACHUSETTS,   TO    WIT  : 

District  Clerk'' s  Office. 
Be  it  remembered,  that  on  the  eleventh  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1828, 
in  the  fifty-second  j^ear  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  Hilliard,  Gray,  Little  &  Wilkins,  of  the  said  dis- 
trict, have  deposited  in  this  Office,  the  Title  of  a  Book,  the  right 
whereof  they  claim  as  Proprietors,  in  the  words  following,  to  wit  : 

"  Conspiracy  of  the  Spaniards  against  Venice,  and  of  John  Lewis 
Fiesco  against  Genoa." 

Li  conformity  to  the  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  enti- 
tled, "An  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  cop- 
ies of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such 
copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned}"  and  also  to  an  act  enti- 
tled, "  An  act  supplementary  to  an  act,  entitled,  an  act  for  the  encour- 
agement of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts  and  books 
to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies  during  the  times  therein 
mentioned  5  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of  designing, 
engraving  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints." 

JOHN  W.  DAVIS,  Clei'k  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


MUNROE    &    FRANCIS,     PRINTERS. 


CONSPIRACY 


THE    SPANIARDS 


VENICE. 


NOTE. 


The  account  of  the  conspiracy  of  the  Spaniards 
against  Venice,  written  by  the  abbe  Real,  has  been 
considered  one  of  the  most  interesting  works  ever 
published.  Charles  Butler,  author  of  "  Reminis- 
cences," who  was  requested  by  a  lady  to  prescribe 
for  her  a  course  of  historical  reading,  places  it  in  the 
list  of  books  which  he  recommended.  The  French 
tragedy  of  *^  Manlius,"  written  by  Lafosse,  and  the 
English  tragedy  of  "  Venice  Preserved,"  written  by 
Otway,  are  founded  on  events  which  it  relates, 


INTRODUCTION. 


No  enterprise,  in  which  men  can  be  engag- 
ed, calls  into  action  such  elevated  faculties  as 
a  conspiracy.  Courage,  prudence,  and  fidel- 
ity, all  equally  essential,  are  qualities  rare  in 
their  nature  ;  but  it  is  still  more  rare  to  find 
them  united  in  the  same  individual.  As  men 
naturally  flatter  themselves  that  they  are 
more  beloved  than  they  really  are,  especially 
when  they  deserve,  and  have  endeavored  to 
inspire  esteem,  some  leaders  of  conspiracies 
rely  implicitly  upon  the  attachment  of  their 
associates  ;  but  the  most  ardent  attachment 
is  seldom  stronger  than  the  fear  of  death. 
And,  moreover,  extreme  warmth  of  attach- 
ment is  of  itself  too  apt  to  confuse  the  judg- 
ment in  unexpected  occurrences  ;  it  is  incom- 


INTRODUCTION. 


patible  with  the  necessary  discretion  ;  and 
generally  those  who  are  excessively  anxious 
to  accomplish  an  object  are  too  unable  to  con- 
ceal their  anxiety. 

If,  from  the  known  prudence  of  a  conspira- 
rator,  reliance  may  be  placed  on  his  discre- 
tion, he  will  not,  for  that  very  reason,  engage 
in  such  an  undertaking  so  zealously  as  others  ; 
he  will  perceive  the  magnitude  and  probabil- 
ity of  the  danger  to  which  he  exposes  himself, 
and  will  provide  in  the  outset  the  means  of 
retreat  ;  he  will  be  apt  to  reflect  that  the  ad- 
vantages he  may  derive  are  uncertain,  and 
that,  if  he  makes  a  disclosure,  he  may  be  sure 
of  safety  and  reward. 

Besides,  the  talents  of  men  are,  for  the  most 
part,  the  result  of  their  experience  ;  and  they 
rarely  reason  correctly  in  the  first  important 
affair  in  which  they  engage.  The  wisest  are 
those  who  profit  by  the  errors  they  have  com- 
mitted^ and  deduce  from  their  consequences, 
rules  for  the  government  of  their  future  con- 
duct. But  as  there  are  no  points  of  resem- 
blance, whether  the  danger  or  the  difficulty 
be  considered,  between  a  conspiracy  and  any 


INTRODUCTION. 


other  affair  whatever,  the  experience,  which 
may  be  otherwise  acquired,  can  be  of  no  use 
in  the  conduct  of  an  enterprise  of  this  des- 
cription. To  enable  an  associate  in  a  con- 
spiracy to  avoid  committing  an  error,  he  must 
have  been  engaged  in  one  previously  ;  but  it 
seldom  happens  that  the  same  man  is  con- 
cerned in  two.  If  the  first  succeeds,  the  ad- 
vantages he  derives  from  it  generally  relieve 
him  from  the  necessity  of  exposing  himself 
again  to  the  same  dangers  ;  if  it  fails,  he  per- 
ishes ;  or,  if  he  escapes,  he  will  rarely  be 
willing  to  incur,  a  second   time,    the  same 

peril. 

Furthermore,  it  must  be  observed  that, 
however  strong  may  be  their  hatred  of  ty- 
rants, men  always  love  themselves  more  than 
they  hate  others.  It  is  not  enough  that  eve- 
ry conspirator  is  in  fact  faithful,  each  must 
also  be  convinced  that  all  his  associates  will 
be  equally  faithful  ;  and  a  leader  must  have 
regard  to  all  the  panic  terrors,  and  ridiculous 
apprehensions  which  may  seize  them,  as  well 
as  to  the  real  difficulties  which  he  may  have 
to  encounter,  either  being   alike    capable  of 


INTRODUCTION. 


ruining  his  enterprise.     Add   to  this,    that  a 
word   spoken    of  something  else,    a  gesture 
made  without  motive,   may  excite    suspicion 
of  discovery,  and  precipitate  the  execution ; 
that  a  circumstance  of  not  the  slightest  im- 
portance will  sometimes  frighten  men  for  no 
other  reason  than  because  it  was  unexpected  ; 
and  that  men  are  so  constituted  that  they  al- 
ways apprehend  their   secret  is  known,  and 
every  thing  said  or  done    in  their   presence 
leads    them    to  sqspect  they  are  discovered. 
He  who  is  conscious  of  guilt  is  stctrtled  at  ev- 
ery thing. 

If  these  difficulties  are  almost  insurmount- 
able in  conspiracies  against  a  single  person, 
how  much  greater  must  they  be  in  conspira- 
cies aimed  against  a  large  number  at  once, 
for  instance  a  city  or  a  kingdom,  and  which 
of  course  require  more  time  to  arrange,  and 
more  persons  to  execute  them. 

These  considerations  have  always  led  me 
to  regard  this  kind  of  enterprise  as  furnishing 
the  most  instructive  portions  of  history ; 
and  have  induced  me  to  give  to  the  public  an 
account  of  the  conspiracy   formed,    in    1618, 


INTRODUCTION. 


against  Venice,  by  an  ambassador  from  Spain 
to  that  republic* 

Mj  judgment  may  possibly  be  influenced 
by  love  of  the  subject  on  which  I  have  under- 
taken to  write  ;  but  I  frankly  avow  that  it 
appears  to  me  that  no  where  can  we,  so  well 
as  in  such  enterprises,  see  how  much  pru- 
dence, and  how  much  chance  avails  in  human 
affairs  ;  nor  learn  the  utmost  reach  of  the 
powers  of  the  mind,  and  its  various  limits  ; 
its  highest  elevations,  and  its  most  secret 
weaknesses  ;  the  variety  of  considerations 
necessary  in  governing  men  ;  the  difference 
between  commendable  ingenuity,  and  repre- 
hensible intrigue,  between  dexterity  and  cun- 
ning. And  if  malignity  is  never  more  hateful 
than  when  it  makes  a  bad  use  of  the  most  ex- 
cellent qualities,  the  reader  of  this  history  must 


*  This  conspiracy  is  spoken  of  in  the  history  of  Nani,  book  III^  page 
156,  and  in  the  fifth  volume  of  the  Mercure  Francois,  for  the  year  1618, 
page  38,  where  may  be  seen  a  letter  from  Venice,  dated  the  21st  of 
May  of  that  year.  The  principal  authorities  for  this  history,  such  as  the 
statement  of  the  marquis  of  Bedmar,  the  long  despatch  of  the  captain, 
James  Pierre,  to  the  duke  of  Ossuna,  the  deposition  of  Jaffier,  the  crim- 
inal proceedings  against  the  conspirators,  and  several  others,  may  be 
found  among  the  manuscripts  in  the  national  library  j  and  the  Squittinio 
della  Liberia  Veneta  among  the  printed  works*  Divers  other  manu- 
scripts have  also  been  consulted. 


INTRODUCTION. 


feel  unutterable  horror  when  he  witnesses  the 
sublimest  faculties  of  man  devoted  to  the  ac- 
complishment of  a  detestable  purpose.  Thus 
an  ancient  Grecian,  seeing  a  criminal,  suffer- 
ing under  the  torture,  adhere,  with  wonder- 
ful constancy,  to  a  falsehood,  could  not  avoid 
exclaiming,  "  O  the  wretch !  to  prostitute 
so  noble  a  faculty  to  so  bad  a  purpose." 


CONSPIRACY, 


The  controversy  between  the  holy  pontiff,  Paul  V, 
and  the  republic  of  Venice,  having  been  terminated 
by  the  mediation  of  France,  in  a  manner  preserving 
to  the  holy  See  the  honor  due  to  it,  and  to  the  Vene- 
tians the  glory  they  had  merited,  none  but  the  Span- 
iards had  reason  to  be  dissatisfied.  As  they  had  de- 
clared for  the  Pope,  and  had  offered  to  subjugate  the 
Venetians,  they  were  offended  that  he  had  entered 
into  an  arrangement  without  their  participation  ;  but 
having  discovered  the  secretof  this  arrangement,  they 
were  convinced  that  they  had  no  cause  of  complaint 
against  him,  and  that  the  slight  they  had  experienced 
was  to  be  attributed  solely  to  the  republic.  It  was, 
in  fact,  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Vene- 
tian senate,  that  they  had  been,  in  a  measure,  exclu- 
ded from  the  mediation.  This  body  insisted  that 
they  ought  not  to  be  umpires  after  having  displayed 
so  much  partiality. 

Whatever  resentment  they  felt,  they  concealed  it  in 
their  own  bosoms  during  the  reign  of  Henry  IV. 
2 


14  CONSPIRACY    OP    THE 

The  obligations  of  this  prince  to  the  Venetians  were 
well  known  ;  and  the  care  which  he  had  taken  of 
their  interests,  in  their  controversy  with  the  Pope, 
was  not  less  so.  But  his  death  permitted  the  Span- 
•  iui^ds  to  erpt*  with?  fr^dom,  and  they  wailed  only  for 
a  pVetext.  '       •*  •   •• 

:  ;,.A'«tcopp  o:f;pii;at^s,  called  Uscoques,  had  formed 
an  establishment  upon  the  territory  of  Austria,  situat- 
ed upon  the  Adriatic  sea,  near  to  the  Venetians. 
They  committed  many  outrages  upon  the  citizens  of 
the  republic,  but  were  protected  by  the  archduke 
Ferdinand  of  Gratz,  then  sovereign  of  this  territory 
and  afterwards  emperor.  This  prince  wa^  very  re- 
ligious, but  his  ministers  shared  in  the  booty  of  the  pi- 
rates ;  and,  being  devoted  to  Spain,  they  seized  this 
occasion  to  avenge  the  wrongs  which  that  nation  had 
received  from  the  Venetians. 

The  emperor  Matthias,  listening  to  the  well-found- 
ed complaints  of  the  republic,  endeavored,  by  an  ar- 
rangement made  in  February,  1612,  to  put  an  end  to 
these  disorders  ;  but  this  arrangement  was  so  little  re- 
garded by  the  archduke,  that  an  open  war  was  the 
consequence,  in  which  his  success  did  not  answer  the 
hopes  and  expectations  of  the  Spaniards.    • 

The  Venetians  easily  repaired  the  losses  they  had 
sustained  in  a  few  trifling  engagements.  Having  noth- 
ing to  fear  from  the  Turks,  they  could  carry  on  the 
war  with  less  inconvenience  than  the  archduke.  This 
prince  was  urged  by  the  emperor  to  make  peace,  be- 
cause he  apprehended    an    attack    from    the    Grand 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  15 

Seignor,  tipon  Hungary,  and  because  he  found  it  nec- 
essary to  expend  large  sums  to  gain  his  election  as 
king  of  Bohemia,  which  look  place  soon  after.  The 
Spaniards  would  have  cheerfully  furnished  him  the 
means  of  continuing  the  contest ;  but  Charles  Em- 
manuel, duke  of  Savoy,  with  whom  they  were  then 
at  war,  kept  them  from  dividing  their  forces  ;  and  as 
the  duke  received  large  subsidies  from  the  Venetians^ 
the  Spaniards  were  unable  to  detach  him  from  them. 
The  council  of  Spain  felt  indignant  at  finding  the 
Venetians  so  strong  on  all  sides.  The  mild  and  pa- 
cific temper  of  Philip  III,  and  of  the  duke  of  Lerma, 
his  favorite,  restrained  them  from  adopting  such 
measures  as  their  feelings  dictated  ;  but  one  of  their 
ministers  in  Italy,  of  a  disposition  more  enterprising 
and  fearless,  undertook  to  relieve  their  embarrass- 
ment. 

This  prince  was  don  Alphonso  de  la  Queva,  mar- 
quis of  Bedmar,  ambassador  resident  at  Venice,  one 
of  the  ablest  and  most  dangerous  characters  that 
Spain  has  ever  produced.  The  writings  which  he 
has  left  show  that,  by  deeply  studying  the  ancient  and 
modern  historians,  he  had  acquired  all  that  was  requi* 
site  to  form  an  extraordinary  man.  Ho  compared 
the  events  they  related  with  those  that  happened  in 
his  own  time.  He  noted  with  exactness  wherein 
they  were  different,  and  wherein  they  were  similar  ; 
and  considered  what  influence  the  particulars  in  which 
they  differed  must  have  upon  those  in  which  they 
agreed.     He  generally  formed  his  opinion  of  the  re* 


16  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

suit  of  a  project,  as  soon  as  he  had  learned  the  origin 
and  the  plan  of  it.     If  he  found,  by  the  event,  that  his 
opinion  was  not  correct,   he  ascended  to  the  source 
of  his   error,    and    endeavored  to  discover    by   what 
he  had  been  deceived.     By  studies  of  this  nature  he 
had  learned  what  are  the  true    methods,    the  certain 
means,  and  the   important  circumstances    which,   al- 
most always,  ensure  success  in  great   designs.     This 
constant  practice  of  reading,  of  meditation,  arid  of  ob- 
servation upon  human  affairs,  had  raised  so  high  his 
reputation  for  sagacity,  that  his  canjectures   concern- 
ing the  future  were  regarded,  in  the  council  of  Spain, 
with  almost  as  much  respect  as  prophecies. 
To  this  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  nature  of  hu- 
man affairs,  he  added    singular  talents  for  directing 
them  ;  an  ability  ta  speak  and  write  with  inexpressi- 
ble sweetness ;    an   unerring    instinct    in  judging   of 
men  ;  an  air  of  openness   and  gaiety,  evincing  more 
animation  than  gravity.     He  was  so   free  apparently 
from  dissimulation  as  to  seem  a  model  of  ingenuous- 
ness.    His  disposition  was  at  once  complaisant    and 
engaging,  and  he  concealed  his  thoughts    and    senti- 
ments the  more  perfectly  because   all    fancied    they 
could  divine  them.      His  manners  were  so  affection- 
ate and  insinuating,  that  he  drew  from  the  closest  bo-^ 
soms  their  dearest  secrets  ;    and  he  exhibited  all  the 
appearances  of  composure  and  tranquillity  of  mind  in 
the  midst  of  the  most  cruel  distractions. 

At  that  period,  the  ambassadors  of  Spain  usually 
governed  the  courts  to  which  they    were  sent  ;    anc| 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  l7 

the  marquis  of  Bedmar  had  been  selected,  in  1507, 
for  that  of  Venice,  as  the  most  difficult  of  foreign  sta- 
tions, where  neither  women,  monks  nor  favorites  had 
any  influence.  The  council  of  Spain  were  so  well 
satisfied  with  his  conduct,  that,  however  desirous  they 
might  be  of  employing  him  elsewhere,  they  could  not, 
even  after  he  had  resided  there  six  years,  resolve  to 
recal  him. 

His  long  residence  at  Venice  had  enabled  him  to 
study  the  principles  of  the  government,  to  discover  its 
most  secret  springs,  to  perceive  its  strength  and  its 
weakness,  its  advantages  and  its  defects.  Appre- 
hending that  the  archduke  would  be  obliged  to  con- 
clude a  peace,  which  could  not  be  otherwise  than 
disgraceful  to  Austria,  as  she  was  evidently  in  the 
wrong,  he  determined  to  devise  some  means  to  pre- 
vent it. 

He  reflected  that  such  was  the  condition  of  Venice 
that  it  was  not  impossible  to  become  master  of  it,  by 
means  of  his  confidential  agents  in  the  city,  and  the 
forces  which  were  under  his  control.  The  armies  it 
had  sent  forth  had  exhausted  it  of  arms,  and  still 
more  of  men  capable  of  using  them.  As  its  naval 
force  had  never  been  in  such  excellent  condition,  the 
senate  had  never  considered  itself  so  formidable,  and 
had  never  felt  less  fear.  This  fleet,  however,  strong 
as  it  was,  dared  not  leave  the  coast  of  Istria,  which 
was  the  seat  of  war.  The  army  was  also  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  there  was  nothing  at  Venice  to  resist  an  at- 
tack from  the  naval  force  of  Spain.  To  render  such 
2* 


lo  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

an  attack  more  sure  of  success,  he  proposed  to  gain 
possession  of  the  principal  posts,  such  as  the  square 
of  St.  Mark,  and  the  arsenal  ;  and  as  it  would  be  dif- 
ficult to  do  this,  while  the  city  was  in  a  state  of  tran- 
quillity, he  determined  to  set  fire,  at  the  same  mo- 
ment, to  those  parts  which  were  most  combustible, 
and  to  those  which  the  citizens  would  be  the  most 
desirous  of  preserving. 

He  did  not  think  it  proper  to  state  his   design,   in 
the  beginning,  to  his   master.     He  knew  that  princes 
are  unwilling  to    commit   themselves,   in   relation   to 
such  projects,  until  they  are  so  far  matured  that  noth- 
ing is  necessary  to  their  execution  but    an    assurance 
that  the  enterprize  will  be  acknowledged    in  case    of 
success.     He  merely  intimated  to  the  duke  of  Uzeda, 
the  principal  secretary  of  state,  that,   perceiving    the 
disgrace  which  the  house  of  Austria  had    sustained, 
in  the  war  of  Friuh,  from  the  insolent  conduct  of  the 
Venetians,  and  that  all  the  steps  towards  an    accom- 
modation, which  had  been  taken  at  Vienna  and  else- 
where, had  tended  to  aggravate  it,  he  conceived  him- 
self placed    in  a  situation    where    duty    and    policy 
obHged  a  faithful  subject   to  resort    to   extraordinary 
measures  to  preserve  his  king  and  country  from  infa- 
my otherwise  inevitable  ;  that   this   duty  particularly 
devolved  upon  him,  on  account  of  the  employment  he 
held,  in  which,  having  constantly  in  view  the  origin  of 
the  evil,   he  could,  better  than  any  other  person,   de- 
termine what  remedy  should  be  applied  ;    and  that  he 
should  endeavor  to  perform    this    duty  in  a  manner 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST   VENICE.  19 

worthy  of  the  zeal  which  he  felt  for  the   honor    of 
his  master. 

The  duke  of  Uzeda,  who  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  character  of  the  ambassador,    perceived,  at  once, 
that  he  had  in  contemplation  some  important  and  per- 
ilous undertaking  ;  but  as  prudent  men,  until  circum- 
stances compel  them,  do  not  even  avow  their  knowl- 
edge of  such  enterprizes,  he    did   not   communicate 
his  suspicions  to   the  first  minister,    and    replied,    in 
general  terms,  to  the  marquis   of   Bedmar,    that   he 
applauded  his  zeal  and  placed  implicit    reliance    up- 
on his  well-known  discretion.     The  marquis,   for  he 
expected  no  other,  was  not  surprised  at  receiving  so 
cautious  an  answer  ;   and  immediately  began  to  make 
such  arrangements  as  were  best  calculated  to   secure, 
by  success,  the  approbation   and  acknowledgement  of 
his  superiors. 

Never  was  there  a  monarchy  so  absolute  as  the 
senate  of  Venice.  A  marked  distinction  was  made, 
even  in  the  most  trivial  matters,  between  the  nobility 
and  the  common  people.  None  but  nobles  could  be 
appointed  commanders  or  governors  of  the  depen- 
dent territories.  The  most  powerful  lords,  and  the 
principal  magistrates  of  these  territories,  were  obhged 
to  regard  them  as  sovereigns  rather  than  governors  ; 
and  if  ever  the  repubhc  gave  the  command  of  its  sep- 
arate armies  to  foreigners,  their  powers  were  so  lim- 
ited that  they  were  compelled  to  be  guided  by  the 
opinions  of  the  general  in  chief,  and  had  little  to  do 
but  to  execute  his  orders. 


20  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

As  war  always  affords  a  plausible  pretext  for  taxing 
the  people,  that  with  the  Uscoques  gave  the  nobility, 
by  whom  it  was  conducted,  an  excellent  opportunity 
to  enrich  themselves.     This    war   was   carried  on  at 
an  enormous  expense.      Besides  the  money  expend- 
ed in  Piedmont,  it  became  necessary,    in   the  end,  to 
maintain  a  third  army,  in  Lombardy,  to    oppose    the 
governor  of  Milan,  who   threatened  to  make  a  diver- 
sion in  favor  of  the  archduke.     The  justice    of  the 
cause  of  the  republic  emboldened    the    commanders 
to  resort  to  new  modes  of  raising  money,  but  did  not 
render  the  people    more    patient  in   suffering.     The 
exactions  became  so  excessive,  that  the   marquis   of 
Bedmar  had  reason  to    believe   that    the  revolution, 
which  he  wished  to  effect,   would    be  as  agreeable  to 
the  people   as  it  would  be  destructive  to  the  nobility. 
There  were  many  persons,  even  among  the  nobili- 
ty, who  felt  no  affection  for  the  government.     These 
were  the  partizans  of  the  court  of  Rome.      Some    of 
them,   and  indeed  the  greater  number,  ambitious  and 
revengeful,  were   dissatisfied    and    incensed  because 
the  affairs  of  the  republic,    during    the   controversy 
with  that  court,  had  been   administered    contrary    to 
their  advice.     They  were  ready  to  do  and  to  suffer 
any  thing  to  deprive  of  power  those  who  possessed  it ; 
and  they  witnessed  with  pleasure  the   misfortunes   of 
the    state,     considering    them    the    consequences  of 
measures  which  they  had  condemned.     Others,  sim- 
ple and  ignorant,  chose  to  be  more  catholic    than  the 
pope  himself.     As  he  had,    in  the  peace  which   had 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  21 

been  concluded,  relinquished  a  part  of  his  pretensions, 
they  supposed  that  he  had  been  induced  to  do  so 
from  policy  ;  and  that,  as  he  might  have  acted  with  a 
mental  reservation,  there  was  reason  to  fear  that  the 
sentence  of  excommunication  yet  remained  in  force 
in  the  intention  of  his  holiness.  Of  this  number  were 
several  senators,  as  destitute  of  fortune  as  of  intellect. 
These,  in  the  sequel,  w^ere  very  serviceable  to  the 
marquis,  who  convinced  them,  by  the  benefits  he  con- 
ferred, that,  after  this  affair,  no  one  could  be  a  Vene- 
tian with  a  safe  conscience. 

Although  the  nobles  were  strictly  forbidden  to  havd 
any    intercourse    with    foreigners,    the   marquis    had 
found    nieans  to  establish  a  confidential    correspond- 
ence with  the    most   restless    and    discontented.     If 
ihey  had  a  near  relative  in  any  of  the    convents,   any 
mistress,  or  any  ecclesiastic,  who   w^as   intimate    with 
their  families,  he  spared  no  pains  nor  expense  to  be- 
come acquainted  with  them  ;  he  made  them  presents, 
which,  though  they  generally  consisted  merely  of  the 
curiosities    of   foreign    countries,    were    nevertheless 
highly  valuable.     These  presents,  spontaneously  con* 
ferred,  led  those    who    received    them    to   anticipate 
even  greater  ;  they    therefore   eagerly   answered    all 
his  inquiries  ;    and  took  pains  to  acquire   information 
to  communicate  to  him.     The  rewards  he  bestowed 
surpassed  their  expectation,  and  they  labored    inces- 
santly to  engage  their  superiors  in  the  same  secret  in- 
tercourse,   until     success    crowned    their  exertions. 
The  poverty  of  the  nobles  had  doubtless  some    influ- 


22  CONSPIRACY    OP   THE 

ence  ;  they  probably  could  not  see,  without  envy, 
their  dependants  growing  richer  than  themselves  by 
means  of  presents  conferred  merely  because  they 
were  their  dependants.  However  this  may  be,  none 
of  the  deliberations  of  the  senate  were,  afterwards, 
unknown  to  the  ambassador  of  Spain  ;  he  was  inform- 
ed of  all  its  decisions  ;  and  such  as  related  to  the 
war  were  communicated  to  the  generals  of  the  arch- 
duke before  those  of  the  republic  had  received  an 
order  to  execute  them. 

Though  possessed  of  these  means  of  gaining  intelli- 
gence, a  considerable  number  of  troops  was  still  nec- 
essary to  enable  him  to  execute  his  enterprise  ;    but 
as  there  was  a  powerful  Spanish  army  in  Lombardy, 
he  had  no  apprehension   that  men  would  be  wanting, 
provided  the  governor  of  Milan  would   enter  into  his 
designs.     The  marquis  of  Iniosa,   who  then  held  that 
office,  had  too  intimate   a  correspondence    with   the 
duke  of  Savoy  to  be   trusted  with  safety.       He  had 
just  concluded  with  that  duke  the   treaty  of  Asti,   of 
which  France  and    the    Venetians    were    mediators. 
The    ambassador,   who    knew  that    this    negotiation 
would  not  be  approved,  in  Spain,  wrote  horne,  advis- 
ing the  recalof  Iniosa,  and,  at  the  same  time,  request-r 
ed   don  Pedro  of  Toledo,    marquis   of  Villa-franca, 
his  intimate  friend,  to  solicit  the  government  of  Mi- 
lan.    Don  Pedro,  about  the  end  of  the  year   16J5, 
received    orders  to    set  out  immediately  to  take  the 
place  of  Iniosa  ;   and  the  instant  after  his   arrival  at 
Milan,  he  gave  notice  thereof  to  the  senate  of  VenicCj 
by  the  marquis  of  Lara, 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  23 

The  ambassador  communicated  his  project  to  this 
marquis  in  the  manner  which  he  judged  best  calcu- 
lated to  induce  him  to  approve  it  ;  and  he  charged 
him  particularly  to  ascertain  whether  the  new  gover- 
nor could  spare  him  fifteen  hundred  of  his  best  troops, 
whenever  they  might  be  wanted.  Don  Pedro,  charm- 
ed with  the  project,  resolved  to  afford  all  the  assist- 
ance he  could,  without  exposing  himself  to  certain  ru- 
in should  it  fail.  He  dispatched  the  marquis  of  Lara, 
a  second  time,  to  Venice,  to  communicate  this  resolu- 
tion to  the  ambassador  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  be- 
sought him  to  consider  that  he  could  not  send  that 
number  of  troops  without  selecting  all  that  were  good, 
and  that,  should  they  be  lost  by  the  failure  of  the  en- 
terprise, he  would  incur  the  severest  censure,  for  hav- 
ing exposed  to  such  imminent  danger  the  bravest 
soldiers  of  his  army.  He  would,  however,  spare  all 
that  he  could,  and  would  select  them  so  carefully 
that  he  would  be  answerable  for  their  fidelit}^ 

Nothing  was  more  important  to  the  designs  of  the 
ambassador  than  to  prevent  the  restoration  of  harmo- 
ny between  the  contending  powers.  With  this  view, 
he  persuaded  the  marquis  of  Lara  to  make  the  most 
unreasonable  propositions  in  behalf  of  the  governor 
of  Milan.  The  senate,  as  was  foreseen,  rejected 
them  with  indignation,  and  declined  negotiating  with 
him.  Don  Pedro,  on  his  part,  omitted  nothing  calcu- 
lated to  embroil  affairs  still  more.  The  duke  of 
Mantua  felt  little  inclination  to  pardon  his  rebellious 
subjects,  which  he  had  engaged   to  do  by  the  treaty 


24  CONSPIRACY   OP   THE 

of  Asti.  Means  were  used  to  render  him  obstinate 
on  this  point,  and  to  induce  hina  to  continue,  as  he 
had  begun,  to  inflict  punishment  upon  them.  Propo- 
sitions were  made,  by  the  agents  of  Spain,  to  the 
duke  of  Savoy,  for  the  execution  of  this  treaty,  which 
they  well  knew  he  would  not  accept ;  and  they  de- 
layed disbanding  their  troops,  which  he  had  done 
and  they  ought  to  have  done,  under  the  pretence 
that  Spain  could  no  longer,  with  honor,  refuse  to 
take  part  in  the  war  of  Friuli  :  the  Venetian  army 
had  passed  the  Lizonzo,  and  besieged  Gradisca,  the 
capital  of  the  territories  of  the  arch-duke. 

The  council  of  Spain,  which  had  hitherto  appear- 
ed neutral,  perceiving  this  prince  in  danger,  threaten- 
ed to  declare  in  his  favor.  At  this  time,  the  misun- 
derstanding which,  since  the  contest  between  the  son 
and  brother  of  Charles  the  fifth,  for  the  succession  to 
the  empire,  had  divided  the  Spanish  and  German 
branches  of  the  house  of  Austria,  had  been  adjusted. 
The  interest  which  the  Spaniards  took  in  this  war 
was  the  first  mark  of  their  reconciliation.  Don  Pedro 
ordered  colonel  Gambalotta  to  advance,  with  his 
troops,  towards  Crema  ;  and  he  caused  twenty-four 
pieces  of  battering  artillery  to  be  mounted  at  Pavia  ; 
which  were  soon,  as  he  declared,  to  be  sent  with  a 
body  of  eight  thousand  troops  under  the  command  of 
don  Sancho  de  Luna.  In  another  quarter,  the  vice- 
roy of  Naples,  who  was  cruising  in  the  Mediterrane- 
an with  a  Spanish  fleet,  threatened  to  attack  Villa- 
franca,  belonging  to  the  duke  of  Savoy.     He  prevent- 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  25 

ed  the  arrival,  by  sea,  of  all  assistance  to  the  repub- 
lic, and  was  assiduous  in  making  arrangements  to  en- 
ter the  gulf,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  keeping  in 
check  the  Venetian  fleet. 

The  ministers  of  Venice  having  remonstrated  to 
all  the  European  Courts  against  this  violent  proceed- 
ing, the  marquis  of  Bedmar  undertook  to  justify  it. 
He  considered  it  also  important  to  his  design,  to  strike 
at  the  root  of  the  veneration,  which  had,  for  so  many 
centuries,  been  felt  throughout  Europe  for  this  repub- 
lic, as  the  oldest  and  freest  of  all  nations.  Its  free- 
dom and  independence  had  lately  been  vindicated 
and  more  vaunted  than  ever,  in  several  publications, 
written  during  the  controversy  with  the  pope,  which 
were  yet  considered  unanswerable,  although  many 
replies  had  been  written  by  able  men  of  the  opposite 
party. 

The  ambassador,  undertaking  to  examine  these 
publications  himself,  refuted,  in  a  few  chapters,  the 
numerous  volumes  of  the  Venetian  authors,  without 
deigning  to  name  one  of  them.  And  as,  in  matters 
of  this  nature,  there  is  no  question  which  an  ingenious 
disputant  may  not  render  doubtful,  he,  under  the  pre- 
text of  establishing  the  authority  of  the  emperors 
over  Venice,  demonstrated  that  the  independence  of 
this  republic  was  but  a  cliimera,  and  that  its  domin- 
ion over  the  sea  v/as  not  better  founded.  As  it  was 
not  consistent  with  his  purpose  to  be  known  as  the  au- 
thor of  this  work,  he  caused  it  to  be  published  so  pri- 
vately that  it  was  not  known,  during  his  life,  that  he 
3. 


26  CONSPIRACY    OF   THE 

had  any  share  in  composing  it.  That  he  was  not 
suspected,  appears  strange  ;  but  the  truth  probably 
is,  that  he  had  not  yet  become  fully  known  to  the 
Venetians.  His  lively  and  impetuous  deportment, 
which  he  sought  not  to  restrain  but  choose  to  display 
on  all  occasions,  prevented  them  from  imagining  that 
a  man  of  such  character  could  be  the  author  of  a  po- 
litical satire  of  so  much  subtlety  and  refinement. 
Candor  and  sincerity  seemed  to  pervade  it  through- 
out ;  and  the  censures  of  the  encroachments  of  the 
Venetians,  which  were  occasionally  introduced,  were 
expressed  with  such  apparent  moderation,  as  sufficed 
to  render  them  plausible.  This  work,  the  title  of 
which  was  Squitiinio  delta  Liberia  J^eneta,  was  the 
universal  topic  of  conversation. 

As  the  author  was  unknown,  suspicion  naturally 
fell  upon  the  court  of  Rome,  whence  the  preceding 
publications,  on  that  side  of  the  question,  had  emanated. 
The  wise  men  of  the  Senate  imagined  that  the  world 
felt  the  force  of  it  as  they  did  ;  it  dismayed  them 
like  the  loss  of  a  battle  ;  and  father  Paul  was  direct- 
ed to  examine  it.  This  man,  who  had  treated  with 
ridicule  the  other  writers  of  that  party,  declared  that 
no  reply  ought  to  be  made  to  the  last,  for  none  could 
be  made  without  disclosing  facts  which  prudence  re- 
quired should  remain  buried  in  the  obscurity  of  anti- 
quity ;  that,  nevertheless,  if  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Senate,  it  best  comported  with  the  dignity  of  the  re- 
public to  resent  this  outrage,  he  would  undertake  to 
give  the  court  of  Rome  so  much  trouble  in  defending 


SPANIARDS   AGAINST   VENICE.  Sf 

itself,  that  it  would  think  no  more  of  attacking  others. 
This  intimation  was  listened  to  in  the  first  warmth  of 
resentment,  and  father  Paul  had  the  gratification  of 
publishing  his  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  a 
work  dear  to  his  heart,  which  otherwise  would  not 
have  appeared  during  his  life  time. 

The  campaign  of  the  year  1616,  having,  in  the 
meantime,  closed,  without  any  decisive  advantage  to 
either  side,  the  duke  of  Savoy  and  the  Venetians, 
who  were  unwilling  to  hazard,  in  a  second,  the  glory 
they  had  acquired,  empowered  Gritti^  the  Venetian 
ambassador  at  Madrid,  to  renew  the  negotiation. 
The  Spaniards,  irritated  by  the  resistance  they  had 
met  with,  made  such  unreasonable  propositions  that 
nothing  was  accomplished.  Gradiscawas  yet  block- 
aded ;  the  war  continued  through  the  winter  ;  and 
the  two  armies  took  the  field  in  the  spring,  displaying 
a  degree  of  animation  and  ardor  that  promised  more 
brilHant  exploits  than  those  of  the  preceding  year. 
The  truce  between  Holland  and  Spain  having  enabled 
the  former  to  dispense  with  the  services  of  her  troops, 
and  obliged  the  French  and  German  adventurers  to 
seek  employment  elsewhere,  the  counts  of  Nassau 
and  Lievestien  brought  eight  thousand  Hollanders,  or 
Walloons,  to  the  assistance  of  the  republic.  The 
Spaniards  complained  loudly  to  the  pope  against  the 
Yenetians,  for  exposing  Italy  to  the  infection  of  heresy, 
)3y  introducing  these  soldiers  ^  but  the  Venetian  am- 
bassador easily  convinced  him  that  the  complaints  of 
ibe  Spaniards  were  caused,  not  so  much  by  their  re* 


28  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

gard  for  religion,  as  by  their  chagrin  at  seeing  two 
great  repubhcs  uniting  their  forces  in  opposition  to 
ihein. 

The  marquis  of  Bedmar  would  have  been  not  a 
little  embarrassed  had  the  pope  obliged  the  Venetians 
to  dismiss  these  heretics.  As  soldiers,  for  the  most 
part,  have  only  their  personal  interest  in  view,  when 
they  enter  into  the  service  of  a  foreign  prince,  he 
hoped  to  induce  the  chiefs  of  these  mercenaries  to 
embark  in  his  designs,  by  the  offer  of  higher  wages 
and  the  allurement  of  the  pillage  of  Venice.  To  ne- 
gotiate w^ith  them,  he  selected  an  aged  French  gentle- 
man, named  Nicholas  de  Renault,  a  man  of  intelli- 
gence and  discretion,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Ven- 
ice, for  some  reason  which  no  one  had  been  able  to 
discover.  The  marquis  of  Bedmar  had  often  seen 
him  at  the  palace  of  the  French  ambassador,  where 
he  resided.  In  several  conversations,  which  they 
accidentally  had  with  each  other,  Renault  discovered 
that  the  world  had  not  estimated  too  highly  the  intel- 
ligence and  ability  of  the  marquis  ;  and  the  latter, 
sensible  of  the  advantage  of  having  such  a  friend  in 
the  suite  of  the  ambassador  of  France,  formed  an  inti- 
mate connection  with  him. 

This  man,  though  extremely  poor,  esteemed  virtue 
higher  than  riches  ;  but  he  loved  glory  more  than 
virtue  ;  and,  could  he  find  no  innocent  means  of  ac- 
quiring it,  there  were  none,  however  criminal,  which 
he  was  not  willing  to  resort  to.  In  perusing  the  an- 
cient writers,  he  had  imbibed  that  rare  indifference  to 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  29 

life  and  to  death  which,  more  than  any  thing  else, 
incites  to  extraordinary  enterprises ;  and  he  never 
ceased  to  regret  those  illustrious  ages,  in  which  the 
talents  of  individuals  controlled  the  destiny  of  nations, 
and  when  those,  who  possessed  them,  were  never 
without  the  means  nor  opportunities  to  display  them. 
The  marquis  of  Bedmar,  who  had  deeply  studied 
his  character,  and  had  need  of  a  man,  to  direct  his 
enterprise,  in  whom  he  could  entirely  confide,  said  to 
him,  when  he  disclosed  it,  that  he  had  fixed  his 
thoughts  upon  him,  the  moment  the  project  first  en- 
tered his  mind.  This  remark  bound  Renault  to  him 
more  firmly  than  the  warmest  praises  could  have 
done.  His  advanced  age  did  not  deter  him  from 
joining  in  the  plot ;  the  less  of  life  that  remained  to 
him,  the  less  he  had  to  risk ;  and  he  thought  he  could 
not  better  employ  the  sad  remnant  of  his  years  than 
in  hazarding  them  to  render  his  name  immortal.  The 
marquis  gave  him  the  control  of  sufficient  funds  to  ne- 
gotiate with  the  Dutch  commanders.  He  charged 
him  not  to  disclose  the  enterprise,  at  present,  but 
merely  to  intimate,  that  affairs  were  in  such  disorder 
that  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  Venice  foresaw  that  a 
time  might  arrive  when  his  person  would  be  in  dan- 
ger from  the  fury  of  the  populace  ;  and  that,  for  his 
own  protection,  he  wished  to  secure  the  services  of  a 
considerable  number  of  faithful  and  resolute  friends. 
This  pretext  was  a  gross  one  ;  but  the  slightest  dis- 
guise is  of  great  use,  in  affairs  of  this  kind.  It  im- 
ports little  that  it  is  known  that  something  is  conceal- 
3^ 


30  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

ed,  if  the  real  secret  is  not  discovered.  In  this  way 
he  hoped  that  he  might  seduce  the  choicest  portion  of 
the  Venetian  army,  and  that  it  would  then  be  left  so 
weak  that  Don  Pedro  could  easily  defeat  itj  on  its 
way  to  Venice,  should  the  senate  recal  it  to  oppose 
the  conspirators. 

The  navy  was  to  be  feared  more  than  the  army. 
It  had  been  accustomed  to  conquer,  and  could  be 
much  more  r  eadily  recalled.  The  greater  number 
of  the  sailors  were  natives  of  the  republic  ;  and  it 
could  not  be  doubted  that,  on  the  discovery  of  the 
conspiracy,  the  fleet  would  hasten  home.  To  expect 
that  the  Spanish  fleet  would  defeat  it,  would  be  an 
unsafe  reliance  ;  and  it  would  not  be  prudent  to  com- 
mit, to  the  fortune  of  a  battle,  the  success  of  an  en- 
terprise in  other  respects  so  hazardous.  It  was  nec- 
essary to  contrive  means  to  render  this  fleet  incapa- 
ble of  affording  assistance. 

The  ambassador,  not  having  had  so  much  experi- 
ence in  naval  affairs  as  the  viceroy  of  Naples,  who 
commanded  the  naval  force  of  Spain,  thought  it  his 
duty  to  consult  him  on  this  subject.  This  viceroy, 
who  was  to  be  a  principal  actor  in  the  tragedy  which 
the  ambassador  was  preparing,  was  that  duke  of  Os- 
suna,  who  was  so  celebrated  for  his  gallantries,  and 
was  as  enterprising  as  Don  Pedro,  or  the  Marquis  of 
Bedmar.  This  rasemblance  of  disposition  had  pro- 
duced an  intimate  friendship  between  the  three. 
Don  Pedro  and  the  duke  of  Ossuna  had  not  the 
qualifications  of  cabinet  politicians,  and  the  duke  even 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  31 

sometimes  committed  eccentricities  which  might  be 
called  extravagances  ;  but  the  deference  which  both 
felt  for  the  marquis  of  Bedmar  supplied  the  place  of 
that  discretion  which  they  wanted. 

The  profits  which  piracy  yields,  to  those  who  pur- 
sue it  under  the  protection  of  a  powerful  nation,  had 
attracted  to  the  court  of  Naples  all  the  celebrated 
corsairs  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  viceroy,  who 
was  fond  of  extraordinary  projects,  and  rather  prodi- 
gal than  avaricious,  protected  them,  not  so  much  for 
the  share  which  he  received  of  their  booty,  as  for  the 
purpose  of  collecting  around  him  a  numerous  body  of 
such  men  as  would  be  ready  to  perform  whatever  he 
should  desire.  He  not  only  welcomed  to  his  domin- 
ions those  who  came  voluntarily  }  but,  whenever  he 
heard  of  one  who  had  more  than  ordinary  reputation 
in  his  profession,  he  sought  him  out,  and  was  so  liber- 
al of  his  favors  that  he  attached  him  firmly  to  his 
person.  He  had,  in  this  manner,  secured  the  friend- 
ship of  captain  James  Pierre,  a  Norman  by  birth, 
and  so  eminent  in  his  profession,  that  others  were 
proud  of  having  learned  it  under  his  instruction. 

The  disposition  of  this  captain  did  not  partake  of 
the  barbarity  which  is  characteristic  of  his  occupation. 
Having  acquired  the  means  of  living  genteely,  he  re- 
solved to  quit  it,  though  yet  in  the  flower  of  his  age  ; 
and  he  chose,  for  his  retreat,  the  territories  of  the 
duke  of  Savoy.  This  prince,  enamoured  of  every 
species  of  extraordinary  talent,  and  so  much  the  more 
capable  of  appreciating  it   in  others,   as    nature  had 


S2  CONSPIRACY   OP   THU 

been  liberal  to  bimself,  permitted  the  corsair,  who 
passed  for  one  of  the  bravest  of  men,  to  establish  him- 
self at  Nice.  Every  ojSicer,  soldier,  and  sailor,  who 
frequented  this  part  of  the  country,  rendered  him  the 
homage  due  to  a  chieftain.  To  them  his  counsels 
were  oracles  ;  he  was  the  sovereign  arbiter  of  their 
disputes  ;  and  they  never  ceased  to  admire  a  man 
who  had  quitted  a  pursuit,  in  which  he  was  so  well 
quahfied  to  excel,  and  which  is  the  most  difficult  of 
all  to  abandon. 

Among  his  associates  was  one  named  Vincent  Rob- 
ert, of  Marseilles,  who,  having  landed  at  Sicily,  where 
the  duke  of  Ossuna  was  then  viceroy,  was  so  cor- 
dially welcomed  that  he  enlisted  in  his  service.  The 
duke,  understanding  that  he  was  a  friend  of  the  cap- 
tain, complained  to  him,  in  good  humour,  that  his 
friend,  in  selecting  a  retreat,  had  preferred  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  duke  of  Savoy  to  his  own,  expressing, 
at  the  same  tune,  a  high  respect  for  the  courage  of 
the  captain,  and  for  his  experience  in  naval  affairs, 
and  declaring  that  he  would  omit  nothing  which  could 
have  the  effect  to  attract  to  his  court  a  man  of  such 
extraordinary  merit.  Robert  gladly  undertook  to 
persuade  him  to  repair  thither  ;  and  his  efforts  were 
so  well  assisted  by  the  advances  of  the  viceroy,  that 
the  captain  at  length  repaired  to  Sicily,  with  his  wife 
and  children. 

As  he  had  never  entirely  banished  the  sea  from 
his  thoughts,  the  passion,  which  he  had  once  felt  for 
it,  had  not  been  extinguished.     The  galleons,  which 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.-  33 

the  viceroy  had  lately  built,  were  so  fine,  and  several 
Turkish  vessels  were  then  at  sea  with  such  feeble 
convoy,  that  he  could  not  resist  the  temptation  they 
presented.  And  he  had  no  occasion  to  regret  that 
he  yielded  to  it.  He  gained  an  immense  booty  -,  and 
the  duke  of  Ossuna,  who,  from  that  time,  lived  with 
him  as  with  a  brother,  surrendered  most  of  it  to  him, 
on  condition  that  he  would  follow  him  to  Naples,  of 
which  the  king  had  just  appointed  him  viceroy,  and 
that  he  would  make  a  voyage  to  Provence,  to  engage 
in  his  service  the  best  of  the  sea-faring  men  with 
whom  he  was  acquainted,  on  that  coast.  He  brought 
back  with  him  a  sufficient  number  to  man  fivQ  large 
vessels,  which  belonged  to  the  viceroy  in  person,  and 
of  which  he  had  the  sole  direction.  With  this  little 
fleet,  he  ravaged,  with  impunity,  all  the  islands  and 
shores  of  the  Levant,  and,  at  the  close  of  his  first 
cruise,  he  fought  a  great  battle,  in  which  he  captured 
or  sunk  the  whole  of  a  large  squadron  of  Turkish 
gallies. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  marquis  of  Bedmar, 
persuaded  that  the  duke  of  Ossuna  would  cheerfully 
assist  him,  communicated  to  him  his  design.  This 
duke,  anxious  to  obtain  the  control  of  these  seas,  de- 
sired nothing  more  ardently  than  to  ruin  those  who 
alone  could  dispute  it  with  him,  and  who  could  not  be 
beaten  so  easily  as  the  Turks.  He  consulted  the 
captain  on  the  subject,  and  stated  such  difficulties  as 
occurred  to  him.  The  captain  did  not  think  them 
insurmountable  j   and  after  several  days,  which  were 


34  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

spent  in  private  conference,  he  secretly  quitted  Na- 
ples, in  a  manner  indicative  of  extreme  precipitation 
and  terror.  The  viceroy  despatched  messengers  in 
every  direction,  except  the  one  in  vt^hich  he  fled,  with 
orders  to  seize  him  dead  or  alive.  His  wife  and 
children  were  imprisoned,  and  were  apparently  treat- 
ed with  extreme  cruelty.  All  his  property  was  con- 
fiscated ;  and  though  the  duke  had  long  been  known 
to  be  excessively  passionate,  yet  the  transports  of  rage 
which  he  exhibited  on  this  occasion  surprised  all  Na- 
ples. As  the  captain  appeared  not  less  excited,  it 
was  easily  believed  that  a  misunderstanding  had  taken 
place,  and  that  he  had  been  detected  in  some  designs 
injurious  to  Spain,  or  to  the  interests  of  the  duke. 
He  returned  to  his  former  asylum. 

The  duke  of  Savoy  was  at  open  war  with  Spain, 
and  had  the  reputation  of  a  most  generous  prince. 
Though  he  had  manifested  some  displeasure,  when 
the  captain  quitted  his  dominions  to  settle  in  Sicily, 
yet  the  impostor  did  not  hesitate  to  throw  himself  at 
his  feet.  He  communicated  to  him  several  pretend- 
ed designs  of  the  viceroy  against  Venice,  which, 
though  atrocious,  had  nothing  in  common  with  the 
true  one  ;  and  observed  tliat,  as  he  could  not  engage 
in  them  with  honor,  he  had  resolved  to  take  measures 
to  escape  from  Naples,  with  his  family  and  property  ; 
but  having  learned  that  the  viceroy  had  discovered 
his  intention,  he  had  been  obliged  to  fly,  in  the  great- 
est haste,  leaving  all  that  was  dear  to  him  in  the  powr 
er  of  the  most  cruel  of  men, 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  35 

The  duke  .of  Savoy,  touched  with  pity  at  this 
mournful  recital,  received  him  with  open  arms,  assur- 
ing him  that,  his  own  interests  and  those  of  the  Vene- 
tians being  the  same,  he  would  reward  the  service  he 
had  rendered  the  common  cause,  if  the  Venetians 
did  not.  He  added,  that  it  was  important  that  the 
senate  should  be  informed,  by  himself,  of  the  de- 
signs of  the  duke  of  Ossuna  ;  and,  after  having  ex- 
horted him  to  bear  his  misfortunes  with  fortitude, 
furnished  him  w^ith  every  thing  necessary,  and  made 
him  a  magnificent  present,  he  sent  him  to  Venice 
with  letters  of  credit  and  of  recommendation. 

The  Venetians  were  not    less   compassionate  than 
the  duke  of  Savoy.     The  flight,  the  poverty,  the  dis- 
tress, the  reputation  of  the  captain,  the  hope  that  he 
would  attract  to  their  service    the   many    brave    men 
whom  he  had  engaged  in  that  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna, 
but  particularly,  the  account  which    he    gave   of  the 
designs  of  the  duke,  to  which  he  contrived  to  give  the 
appearance  of  truth  :  all  spoke  so  powerfully   in   his 
favor,  that  they  immediately  gave  him  the  command 
of  a  vessel.     This  was  done  contrary  to  the  remon- 
strances of  Contarini,   ambassador  at  Rome,  who,  in 
his  letters  to  the    Senate,  insisted  that"  this  man,  hav- 
ing been  in  the  service  of  the  viceroy,  should  be  re- 
garded with  suspicion.       But,  the   Venetians,  made 
credulous  by  their  fears,    disregarded    this   prudent 
advice.     A  short  time  afterwards,  the  fleet  being  at 
sea,  the  captain,  aware  of  the  importance  of  perform- 
ing some  signal  exploit,  in  the  service  of  the  republic. 


36  CONSPIRACY    OF   THE 

obtained  permission  to  cruise  against  the  Uscoques, 
and  took  such  considerable  prizes  that,  on  his  return, 
eleven  vessels  were  added  to  the  one  he  already  com- 
manded. 

He  gave  an  account  of  his  good  fortune  to  the 
duke  of  Ossuna,  and  observed,  in  the  conclusion  of 
his  despatch,  "  If  these  simpletons  continue  to  be  as 
credulous  as  they  have  hitherto  been,  I  dare  assure 
your  excellency  that  I  shall  not  spend  my  time  in 
vain  in  this  country."  At  the  same  time,  he  wrote  to 
his  former  companions,  at  Naples,  inviting,  them  to 
enter  into  the  service  of  the  republic.  He  did  not 
find  it  difficult  to  persuade  them.  After  his  flight, 
the  viceroy,  pretending  to  suspect  their  fidelity,  was, 
in  his  conduct  towards  them,  as  harsh  as  he  had 
before  been  civil. 

The  duke  of  Ossuna  complained  loudly  of  the 
protection  which  the  captain  received  from  the  repub- 
lic. To  retaliate,  he  collected  around  him  the  Us- 
coques, whom  the  Venetians  had  driven  from  their 
retreats.  Under  his  protection,  they  again  made 
cruises.  They  captured  a  large  vessel,  on  the  way 
from  Corfu  to  Venice,  and  publicly  sold  their  booty 
within  his  dominions.  He  violated  the  freedom  of 
ports  ;  made  reprisals  of  great  value  for  trifling  inju- 
ries ;  refused,  when  ordered  by  Spain,  to  restore 
what  he  had  seized  ;  and  published  a  manifesto  justi- 
fying his  disobedience.  He  sent  a  powerful  fleet  in- 
to the  Adriatic,  and  caused  the  prizes  it  captured  to 
be  brought  in  triumph  to  Naples.     In  fine,  he  ruined 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST   VENICE.  37 

their  commerce,  injuring,  at  the  same  time,  the  Nea- 
politans themselves,  who  were  interested  in  it ;  and 
the  farmers  of  the  revenue  daring  to  murmur,  he 
threatened  to  hang  them. 

As  war  had  not  been  declared  between  Spain  and 
the  repubhc,  the  Venetians  were  astonished  at  this 
bold  and  irregular  conduct.  It  was  generally  imput- 
ed to  the  madness  of  the  hot-brained  duke  of  Ossu- 
na  ;  but  the  more  sagacious,  knowing  that  such  rash 
and  lawless  individuals  are  often  designedly  made  use 
of,  conjectured  that  the  Spaniards  were  willing  he 
should  perform  what  they  would  be  unwilling  to  avow 
or  approve.  In  his  faraihar  discourse,  he  frequently 
spoke  of  surprising  the  ports  of  Istria  belonging  to  the 
republic  ;  of  ravaging  her  islands  ;  and  even  of  mak- 
ing, if  he  possibly  could,  an  attack  upon  Venice.  He 
often,  with  his  courtiers,  studied  the  plan  of  the  city  ; 
he  caused  exact  maps  to  be  made  of  its  environs, 
and  boats,  brigantines,  and  other  small  vessels,  adapt- 
ed to  canals,  to  be  constructed ;  he  caused  experi- 
ments to  be  made  to  ascertain  what  burden  water  of  a 
given  depth  would  sustain  in  boats  of  different  sizes  ; 
and  he  invented  new  machines  to  diminish  the  bur- 
den, and  to  facilitate  the  motion  of  boats.  The  Ve- 
netian minister  at  Naples  sent  home  an  exact  account 
of  all  this,  to  the  infinite  despair  of  the  marquis  of 
Bedmar,  who  began  to  repent  that  he  had  united  his 
destiny  with  that  of  a  man  so  impetuous  and  heedless. 
But  the  result  belied  his  fears. 

The  viceroy  made  all  his  preparations  with  so 
4 


38  CONSPIRACY    OP    THE 

much  parade  and  publicity,  that  the  Venetians  could 
only  laugh  at  his  folly.  Even  the  most  intelligent 
could  not  believe  that  any  thing  serious  u^as  intended 
where  every  step  was  so  ostentatiously  taken.  The 
duke  continued  to  make  his  preparations  at  his  leisure, 
and  no  one  regarded  them  ;  and  his  indiscretion,  in- 
stead of  ruining  the  enterprise,  aided  it  more  than 
even  the  circumspection  of  the  marquis  of  Bedmar. 
Nevertheless  the  marquis  determined  to  hasten  the 
execution  of  it,  either  because  he  did  not  choose  to 
give  the* Venetians  leisure  to  reflect,  or  because  his 
person  was  at  all  times  exposed  to  danger.  The  Ve- 
netian fleet,  having  once  offered  battle  to  that  of 
Spain,  which  declined  engaging,  and  having  ravaged 
the  coasts  of  Pouilly,  the  populace  of  Venice  became 
so  insolent  in  their  exultation,  that  the  ambassador 
and  his  whole  household  would  have  been  massacred, 
had  not  the  magistrates  sent  him  a  guard. 

The  same  day,  he  received  news  from  the  camp 
before  Gradisca,  which  consoled  him  for  what  had 
happened.  Renault  informed  him,  that  he  found  the 
commanders  so  happily  disposed,  that  he  had  con- 
cluded his  negotiation  with  little  delay.  The  ambas- 
sador ordered  him  to  repair,  before  he  returned,  to 
Milan  ;  and  don  Pedro  received  him  with  all  those 
blandishments  with  which  the  great  know  so  well  how 
to  impel  their  inferiors  to  hazard  life  in  their  service. 
They  agreed  that  it  was  necessary  to  select  some 
town  on  the  continental  territory  of  the  Venetians,  of 
^hich  they  might  take  possession  at  the  same   time 


SPANIARDS   AGAINST    VENICE.  39 

as  of  Venice.  This,  when  in  their  power,  would  be 
a  check  upon  the  other  towns  in  its  neighbourhood  ; 
would  serve  as  a  depot  of  arms  to  the  Spanish  troops 
that  might  be  sent  to  attack  those  towns,  and  as  a 
barrier  to  the  Venetian  army,  should  the  republic  be 
disposed  to  despatch  it  to  protect  them. 

Renault  passed  through  the  principal  towns  and 
stopped  some  time  at  Crema,  where  he  formed  a  par- 
ty, with  the  aid  of  a  French  lieutenant,  named  John 
Berard,  an  Italian  captain,  and  a  lieutenant  belonging 
to  Provence,  whom  don  Pedro  had  already  engaged 
to  favor  his  designs.  These  three  men  offered  to  con- 
ceal, in  the  city,  five  hundred  Spaniards,  without  ex- 
citing the  suspicion  of  the  Venetian  commander, 
and  to  take  possession  of  it  eight  days  afterwards. 
From  the  examination  which  Renault  made  upon  the 
spot,  he  thought  they  might  easily,  with  that  number 
of  men,  perform  what  they  promised.  Nothing 
more  was  necessary  than,  to  cut  the  throats  of  a  body 
of  miserable  recruits,  who,  all  the  regular  troops  be- 
ing at  Friuli  or  in  the  armies,  had  been  detached 
from  the  militia  of  the  country. 

The  duke  of  Ossuna  had  also  stated  to  the  mar- 
quis of  Bedmar  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  possess 
some  place,  belonging  to  the  Venetians,  upon  the 
gulf,  from  which  assistance  and  support  could  be  giv- 
en to  the  Uscoques  and  the  archduke,  and  to  which 
the  Spanish  fleet  might  retreat,  should  it,  by  any  acci- 
dent, be  obliged  to  seek  an  asylum,  when  cruising  in 
that  sea.     With  this  view,  they  selected  Marano,  a 


-^0  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

Strong  place  an  an  Island  near  to  Tstria,  which  has  a 
harbor  capable  of  sheltering  a  large  fleet.  An  Italian, 
named  Maz^za,  who,  for  forty  years,  had  been  ser- 
geant major  there,  exercised  almost  as  much  authori- 
ty as  the  governor  himself.  Tempted  by  a  large  sum 
of  money,  and  the  promise  of  the  chief  command, 
this  man  engaged,  whenever  he  should  receive  or- 
ders from  the  duke  of  Ossuna,  to  massacre  the  gov- 
ernor, and  make  himself  master  of  the  place,  and 
hold  it  for  the  Spaniards.  It  was  almost  as  easy  for 
him  to  perform  this  promise,  as  to  make  it  :  the  gov- 
ernor, who  was  the  purveyor,  Lorenzo  Tiepolo,  lived 
with  him  on  the  most  familiar  terms,  and  as,  in  time 
of  war,  his  office  of  purveyor  occupied  much  of  his 
attention,  he  relinquished  to  the  sergeant  major,  who 
was  the  oldest  and  most  respectable  officer  in  the 
garrison,  the  entire  direction  of  the  interior  of  the 
place. 

Affairs  being  thus  situated,  the  ambassador  deter- 
mined to  enter  upon  the  execution  of  the  enterprise  5 
not  because  he  could  not,  by  deferring  it  longer,  con- 
cert additional  measures  ;  but  because  he  was  well 
aware  that  delay  is  often  fatal  to  designs  of  this  na- 
ture. It  is  impossible  that  all  the  various  means, 
contrived  to  ensure  success,  should  be  capable,  at 
any  one  moment,  of  rendering  their  most  efficient 
aid  ;  some  become  less  favorable  while  others  are  in 
preparation  ;  and  when  the  leader  of  a  conspiracy  is 
once  so  fortunate  as  to  have  a  sufficient  number,  at 
the  same  moment,    present  a  favorable    aspect,  h^ 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  4l 

commits  a  capital  fault  in  omitting  to  take  advantage 
of  the  happy  conjuncture. 

It  was  of  great  importance  to  the  honor  of  Spain, 
that,  should  the  conspiracy  fail,  the  part  which  her 
ambassador  had  acted  should  never  be  known.  He 
tlierefore  resolved  not  to  disclose  himself  to  any  of 
the  conspirators,  except  Renault  and  the  captain. 
These  two  men  were  unknown  to  each  other  ;  they 
visited  him  only  when  invited  ;  and,  to  prevent  the 
possibility  of  their  meeting,  he  had  always  taken  care 
to  invite  them  on  different  days.  Should  a  discovery 
take  place,  it  would  be  important  to  him  that  they  had 
had  no  intercourse  with  each  other.  As  that  event 
was  possible,  it  was  highly  desirable  to  him,  that  they 
should  continue  to  perform,  unknown  to  each  oth- 
er, their  respective  parts,  as  they  had  hitherto  done ; 
but,  after  mature  reflection,  he  concluded  that  this 
was  impossible  ;  and,  despairing  of  success  in  his  de- 
sign, if  he  did  not  establish  a  cordial  understanding 
between  them,  he  determined  to  do  it,  whatever  the 
peril  might  be. 

Both  of  these  men  had  personal  courage  and  dis- 
cretion, but  Renault  valued  himself  principally  upon 
his  capacity  of  combining  and  disposing  his  arrange- 
ments in  such  manner,  that  the  execution  of  an  enter- 
prise would  be  easy,  and  its  success  infallible.  The 
captain,  on  the  contrary,  who  was  much  younger, 
valued  himself  principally  upon  his  power  and  skill 
in  executing  designs,  and  upon  being  a  man  of  un- 
daunted resolution.  The  marquis  disclosed  to  him 
4* 


"^^  CONSPIRACY    OP    THE 

the  various  negotiations  which  Renault  had  success- 
fullvr  concluded  ;  his  fertility  in  devising  expedients 
adapted  to  every  conjuncture ;  his  eloquence  and  ad- 
dress in  gaining  partizans,  his  ability  to  write  well,  a 
talent  of  much  importance,  as  it  was  necessary  to  be 
constantly  informed  of  the  condition  of  the  fleets,  of 
the  provinces,  and  of  the  armies.  He  added  that  he 
imagined  a  man  of  this  description  would  afford  great 
relief  and  assistance  to  the  captain  ;  that  he  was  an 
old  man  of  much  experience,  who  was  destitute  nei- 
ther of  courage  nor  resolution  ;  but  his  age,  and  his 
studious,  contemplative  habits,  rendered  him  incapa- 
ble of  participating  with  the  captain,  in  the  glory  of 
executing  the  enterprise.  To  Renault  he  merely  ob- 
served that  the  captain  was  the  agent  of  the  duke  of 
Ossuna  ;  and  as  the  duke  was  a  principal  in  their  de- 
sign, he  could  not,  with  propriety,  conceal  any  thing 
from  his  confidant.  He  besought  him  to  tolerate  the 
manners  of  the  corsair,  so  far  as  should  be  necessary 
in  the  pursuit  of  their  object,  and,  by  treating  him 
with  deference,  to  conciliate  a  man  who  was,  to  the 
last  degree,  proud  and  presumptuous. 

The  marquis  of  Bedmar  having  taken  such  pains  to 
prepare  these  men  to  live  harmoniously  together,  his 
astonishment  was  extreme  when,  at  their  first  meeting 
at  his  house,  he  saw  them  embrace  affectionately,  the 
instant  they  cast  their  eyes  upon  each  other.  it  is 
not  possible  that  any  mind  should  be  so  calm  and 
firm  as  to  judge  rationally  of  circumstances  that  pro- 
duce surprise  and  astonishment.     The  first  thought 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  4S 

of  the  ambassador  was,  that  he  was  betrayed.  As  he 
had  supposed  that  these  men  had  no  knowledge  of 
each  other,  he  could  not  comprehend  why  they  shoukl 
have  concealed  from  him  the  fact  that  they  were  well 
acquainted.  This  mystery  was  soon  explained.  He 
was  told  that  they  had  often  met  at  the  house  of  a 
famous  Greek,  who,  though  a  courtesan,  was  a  wo- 
man of  extraordinary  merit.  Of  this  no  other  proof 
was  necessary  than  the  fact,  that  she  had,  as  each 
had  requested,  faithfully  forborne  to  mention  tlieir 
names.  This  fidelity  appeared  to  them  the  more 
remarkable,  as  she  was  not  ignorant  that  each  had 
formed  a  very  high  opinion  of  the  other. 

The  ambassador,  recovering  from  his  surprise,  was 
rejoiced  to  find  that  the  cordial   friendship    between 
them,  which  he  so  ardently  desired,  was  already   es- 
tablished.    In  the  course  of  this  interview,    each  ac- 
knowledged that  he  had  resolved  to  engage  the  other 
in  the  enterprise.       As    they   were   much    occupied 
with  their  project,  they  had  sometimes,  in  the  conver- 
sations they  had  held  together,  discoursed   on    topics 
of  this  nature,  while  speaking  of  the    affairs  of  that 
time,  and  of  the  state  of  the  war.       They   made  no 
disclosure  of  their  own  project,  and   indeed  had   not 
the  slightest  intention  to  do    so  ;    but  they    now,   in 
presence  of  the    ambassador,   ingenuously    confessed 
that,  in  the  warmth  of  conversation,    they  had  some- 
times been  carried  too  far,  and  had  used  expressions 
which  might  possibly  have  betrayed  them.     The  am- 
bassador advised  them  to  be  more  circumspect  in  fu- 


44  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

ture,  and  hinted  that  their  experience  should  teach 
them  that,  to  preserve  an  important  undertaking  re- 
ally secret,  it  is  not  enough  to  say  nothing,  and  to 
do  nothing  relative  to  it,  but  they  must  forget  that 
they  know  any  thing  concerning  it. 

Afterwards  Renault  stated,  that  rumors  of  peace 
being  again  circulated,  at  the  close  of  the  month  of 
June,  the  Venetian  officers  had  ill  treated  the  foreign 
troops  ;  and  that,  not  being  restrained  by  the  author- 
ity of  the  count  of  Nassau,  who  had  died  about  that 
time,  these  troops  had  shown  symptoms  of  discontent 
before  Gradisca  ;  that  the  general  of  the  republic, 
fearing  that  a  disturbance  might  ensue,  had  placed 
them  in  several  posts  distant  from  each  other  ;  that, 
perceiving  from  this  precaution  that  they  were  re- 
garded with  distrust,  they  had  revolted,  and  refused 
with  insolence  to  obey  certain  orders  of  the  senate  ; 
that  the  general  had  thought  it  his  duty  to  execute 
the  leaders  of  the  mutiny  ;  that  he  had  confined  the 
principal  officers  in  Padua,  and  placed  the  rest  in 
diiferent  posts,  in  Lombardy,  until  their  wage's  could 
be  paid,  and  the  conclusion  of  peace  should  permit 
him  to  disband  them. 

Renault  added,  that  the  lieutenant  of  the  count  of 
Nassau,  who  was  one  of  those  with  whom  he  had 
carried  on  a  correspondence,  had  been  banished  to 
Brescia  ;  that  he  had  there  concerted  a  plan,  by 
means  of  which  he  could  deliver  that  city  into  the 
hands  of  don  Pedro  ;  and  that  it  was  necessary  to 
come  to  some  determination   on    this  point  immedi- 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST   VENICE.  4§ 

ately,  as  the  lieutenant  insisted  on  an  early  and  deci- 
sive answer. 

The  ambassador  replied,  that  no  movement  ought 
to  be  made  in  that  quarter,  until  they  were  masters 
of  Venice  ;  that  even  then  they  had  need  of  but  one 
place  in  Lombardy  ;  that  they  were  sure  of  Crema,. 
and  this  new  project  would  be  attended  with  the 
disadvantage  of  dividing  their  forces  ;  that,  neverthe- 
less, it  was  expedient  to  preserve  the  friendship  of 
those  whom  he  had  engaged,  but  to  defer,  from  time 
to  time,  under  some  pretext  or  other,  the  execution 
of  this  project  ;  and  that  it  would  be  advisable  to 
abandon  it,  rather  than  hazard  the  slightest  agitation. 

Renault  then  stated  that,  besides  this  heutenant, 
he  had  engaged  three  Frenchmen  named  Durand, 
who  were  sergeants-major  of  the  regiments  of  Lieves- 
tein,  Brainville,  and  Bribe  ;  a  Savoyard  named  Ter- 
non,  who  was  present  at  the  assault  on  Geneva  ;  a 
Dutchman  named  Theodore  ;  Robert  Revellido,  an 
Italian  engineer ;  and  two  other  Italians  who  had 
formerly  been  employed  in  the  arsenal,  the  one  nam- 
ed Louis  de  Villa-mezzana,  a  captain  of  light  horse, 
the  other  William  Retrosi,  lieutenant  of  captain  Ho- 
norat,  in  Parma  ;  that  he  had  found  it  necessary  to 
make  a  full  disclosure  to  these  nine  persons,  but  he 
had  selected  them  with  such  care  that  he  would  an- 
swer for  their  fidelity  with  his  life ;  that,  wiiile  he 
continued  in  the  camp,  they  had  engaged  more  than 
two  hundred  officers  ;  that  to  these  officers  he  had 
nierely  stated,  as  the  ambassador  had  directed,  that 


46  CONSPIRACY    OF   THE 

whenever  necessary,  they  would  be  required  to  pro- 
ceed to  Venice,  to  protect  his  excellency   from   the 
populace  of  that  city  ;    that  since  his  return,  having, 
by  letter,  requested  a  statement  of  the  exact  number 
of  men   upon  whom   he  might  securely  rely,  he  had 
been  assured  that  he  might  depend   upon   two    thou- 
sand, at  the  least,   of  the  troops  of  Lievestein,   and 
upon  two  thousand  three  hundred   of  those   of  Nas- 
sau ;  that  all  the  officers  were  ready  to  place   them- 
selves in  his  power,  as  security  for  this  engagement  ; 
that,  from  the  beginning  of  the  negotiation,  they  had 
flattered  their  soldiers  with  the  prospect    that,   when 
disbanded    by    the    repubhc,  they  should  be  employ- 
ed on  some  expedition,  in  which  they  would  obtain  a 
rich  reward  for  the  privations  and  distresses  they  had 
endured  ;    that  there  was  no  reason  for  apprehending 
that  the    pecuhar    nature  of    the    enterprise  would, 
when  disclosed  to  them,  diminish   their    ardor  ;    that 
they  were  so  exasperated  against  the  senate,  on   ac- 
count of  the  ignominious  treatment  they  had  received, 
that,  were  they  to  act  from  no    other  impulse,   they 
would  hesitate  at  nothing  to    obtain  revenge  ;     that, 
nevertheless,  for  greater  safety,  the  secret  should  not 
be  communicated,  if  such  was  the  wish   of  the    mar- 
quis, until  matters  were  so  well  arranged,  and  the  en- 
terprise so  near  its  accomplishment,  that  little    doubt 
could  be  entertained  of  its  success  ;     and    that,    the 
resolution  having  been   taken  to  deliver  up  Venice  to 
pillage,  there  was  not  one  who  would  hesitate  to  seize 
the  opportunity  to  enrich  himself^  in  a  way  so  certain 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  47 

■\d  prompt,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  live  in  opulence 
the  remainder  of  his  days. 

When  the  enterprise  first  occurred  to  the  marquis 
of  Bedmar,  he  resolved  that  he  would  not  engage  in 
it,  until  he  had  obtained  the  control  of  more  means 
than  were  sufficient  to  ensure  success  ;  and  that  these 
means  should  be  so  independent  and  disconnected 
that,  should  it  happen  that  any  one  should  fail  him, 
the  others  would  not,  for  that  reason,  be  less  efficient. 
With  this  view,  though  he  relied  with  certainty  upon 
what  don  Pedro  had  promised,  and  upon  the  engage- 
ment of  the  Dutch  officers  with  whom  Renault  had 
negotiated,  he  had  adopted  measures  to  procure 
troops  from  the  duke  of  Ossuna.  With  each  of  these 
he  had  made  the  same  engagements  for  assistance, 
as  if  he  had  sought  none  from  the  others,  and  as  if  he 
had  determined  to  execute  three  different  projects. 

The  time  had  arrived  when  it  was  necessary  to 
know  the  precise  moment  when  the  duke  of  Ossuna 
could  despatch  to  Venice  the  force  he  had  engaged 
to  furnish.  But  as,  from  his  character,  they  could 
not  safely  rely  upon  his  word,  in  an  affair  of  such  im- 
portance and  delicacy,  they  determined  to  send  to 
Naples  some  one  capable  of  judging,  on  the  spot, 
whether  he  was  in  a  condition  to  fulfil  his  engage- 
ment. Should  the  captain  leave  Venice,  his  absence 
would  occasion  suspicion  ;  it  was  necessary  that  Re- 
nault should  remain  in  the  city ;  therefore,  as  the 
most  proper  person  to  makejthis  voyage,  they  selected 
de  Bribe,  one  of  the  Frenchmen  whom  Renault  had 


48  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

engaged  at  Friali.  But  he  having  received  from  the 
republic,  when  on  the  point  of  departing,  a  commis- 
sion to  enlist  recruits,  they  thought  it  expedient  that 
he  should  remain  and  perform  that  service  ;  and 
another  Frenchman,  named  Laurent  Nolot,  a  com- 
rade of  the  captain,  left  Venice  in  his  stead,  on  the 
first  day  of  the  year  1618. 

The  marquis  of  Bedmar  thought  that  the  proper 
time  had  also  arrived  for  coming  to  an  explicit  under- 
standing with  the  council  of  Spain.  To  anticipate 
all  the  explanations  which  they  might  require,  he  sent 
them  a  detailed  and  circumstantial  account  of  his  proj- 
ect. And  as  he  was  well  aware  that  this  court  was 
dilatory  in  its  deliberations,  he  insisted,  in  a  private 
letter  to  the  duke  of  Lerma,  upon  an  early  and  deci- 
sive answer,  observing  that  the  dangers  by  which  he 
was  surrounded  gave  him  a  right  to  speak  in  this  ab- 
solute manner,  and  declaring  that,  if  they  detained 
his  courier  more  than  eight  days,  he  should  interpret 
this  delay  as  an  order  to  abandon  the  enterprise. 

He  received  an  answer  within  the  time  he  prescrib- 
ed, but  it  was  not  so  decisive  as  he  desired.  He  was 
instructed  that,  should  there  be  disadvantage  in  delay, 
he  should  proceed  to  the  execution  of  his  design  ;  but 
they  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  receive  previously, 
if  possible,  a  full  and  exact  description  of  the  state 
of  the  republic. 

The  ambassador,  who  was  already  prepared  on  this 
point,  immediately  drew  4.ip  a  statement  so  able  and  so 
elegant  that  the    Spaniards    have    pronounced  it  the 


SPANIAllDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  49 

most  finished  of  all  their  state  papers.  It  does  not 
appear  for  what  purpose  it  was  prepared  ;  but  those 
who  read  it  with  a  knowledge  of  the  purpose,  per- 
ceive that  every  word  bears  upon  the  design  in  view. 
He  begins  by  setting  forth  the  difficulty  of  the  task, 
on  account  of  the  impenetrable  secrecy  of  the  govern- 
ment which  he  was  about  to  describe.  He  next 
speaks  in  praise  of  that  government ;  but  his  eulo- 
gium  applies  rather  to  the  first  age  of  the  re- 
public, than  to  its  present  condition.  He  then,  in  el- 
oquent language,  makes  the  trite  remark,  that  such  is 
the  deplorable  condition  of  human  affairs,  that  what- 
ever is  most  excellent  is  most  hable  to  corruption  ; 
that  thus  the  wisest  laws  of  this  republic,  being  abus- 
ed, have  been  the  principal  causes  of  its  degeneracy  ; 
that  the  law,  which  excludes  the  people  from  all  par- 
ticipation in  the  government,  originated  and  confirmed 
the  tyranny  of  the  nobles,  and  that,  which  subjects 
the  ecclesiastical  to  the  civil  authority,  had  occasion- 
ed and  encouraged  a  spirit  of  disaffection  towards  the 
court  of  Rome,  which  was  openly  manifested  by  the 
people  of  Venice,  after  their  quarrel  with  that  court. 
He  exaggerates  this  disaffection  by  stating  acts  of 
impiety  which,  as  was  reported,  the  Dutch  had  com- 
mitted with  impunity  at  Friuh.  He  exclaims  partic- 
ularly against  their  having  caused  a  distinguished  no- 
bleman of  their  country,  named  Renaud  de  Brede- 
rode,  to  be  interred,  though  a  calvinist,  in  the  church 
des  Servites,  in  Venice  ;  and  here,  without  naming 
him,   he  casts  a  severe  reproach   upon  father  Paul, 


50 


CONSPIRACY   OP   THE 


who  instigated  the  senate  to  commit  this  offence 
against  the  established  religion.  He  expresses  sur- 
prise that  the  people,  whose  reverence  for  the  civil 
magistrate  must  be  weakened  by  the  contempt  of  re- 
ligion which  they  often  witnessed,  could  patiently 
endure  the  cruel  oppressions  of  their  rulers.  These 
oppressions  he  describes  in  detail;  and  from  his  des- 
cription, in  which  nothing  is  exaggerated,  they  ap- 
pear intolerable.  He  then  shows  that  the  honour  and 
and  lives,  not  less  than  the  property  of  the  people, 
are  in  the  power  of  the  great ;  and  that,  devoted  as 
the  nation  is  to  avarice,  to  vengeance  and  to  love,  it 
is  not  surprising  that  those  in  inferior  stations  should 
be  oppressed  by  their  supe»*iors.  In  fine,  he  exam- 
ines the  condition  of  the  senate,  of  the  provinces,  of 
the  army,  and  of  the  navy.  He  observes  that  divis- 
ions exist  in  the  senate,  and  does  not  scruple  to  say 
that  he  is  acquainted  with  many  disaffected  nobles. 
He  describes  the  desolation  of  the  provinces,  some 
laid  waste  by  the  Uscoques,  and  others  exhausted  by 
their  exertions  to  render  assistance.  He  declares 
that,  in  all  Lombardy,  there  are  not  three  officers  to 
a  garrison,  who  receive  pay,  and  that  the  govern- 
ment retains  its  authority  there  solely  because  no  one 
comes  forward  to  wrest  it  from  them.  As  to  the  ar- 
my, he  gives  a  faithful  account  of  the  revolts  that  had 
occurred  ;  he  states  how  the  mutineers  had  been  dis- 
persed, and  observes  that  these  were  so  numerous 
l^at  the  rest  could  be  regarded  only  as  a  collection 
af  miserable  militia  without  courage,   experience,  or 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  51 

discipline.  As  to  the  navy,  it  had  become  the  asylum 
of  the  infamous  pirates  of  the  Mediterranean,  men 
destitute  of  character,  and  upon  whose  fidelity  the 
republic  could  not  rely  one  moment  after  they  should 
have  become  strong  enough  to  turn  her  own  arms 
against  herself. 

After  having  stated  these  particulars,  with  admira- 
ble beauty  of  language  and  force  of  expression,  he 
enquires  what  opinion  should  be  formed  as  to  the  fu- 
ture condition  of  this  republic,  its  fortune  and  its  du- 
ration ;  and  he  proves,  by  the  inferences  which  nat- 
urally flow  from  the  facts  he  had  established,  that  it  is 
already  in  its  decrepitude  ;  that  its  disorders  are  of 
such  a  nature,  that  no  remedy  could  be  effectual  that 
should  not  entirely  change  its  constitution. 

Having  considered  thig  exposition  of  the  state  of 
Venice,  the  council  of  Spain  gave  the  marquis  of  Bed- 
mar  permission,  but  sent  him  no  order,  to  proceed. 
Yet  as  Nolot  did  not  return,  nothing  could  be  done  ; 
and  the  marquis  could  not  console  himself  for  having, 
in  an  affair  of  this  nature,  exposed  himself  to  the  ca- 
price of  the  duke  of  Ossuna,  whom  he  ought  long 
since  to  have  thoroughly  known.  The  delay,  at  this 
juncture,  was  important.  After  the  Spaniards  had 
taken  Vercelh',  the  siege  of  Gradisca  was  pressed  with 
great  vigor,  by  the  Venetians,  and  the  council  of 
Spain  saw  no  mode  of  saving  it,  but  by  renewing 
propositions  of  peace.  A  project  of  a  treaty,  con- 
taining the  principal  articles,  was  therefore  drawn  up, 
in  concert,  at  Madrid  ;  but  the  irregular  conduct  of 


52 


CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 


the  diike  of  Ossuna  obliged  the  Venetians  to  revoke 
the  powers  of  their  ambassador,  and  transfer  the  ne- 
gotiation to  France,  where  the  death  of  marshal 
d'Ancre  gave  hope  of  a  favorable  issue.  Peace  was 
concluded,  at  Paris,  on  the  6th  of  September. 

The  governor  of  Milan  had  a  conference,  soon  af- 
ter, at  Pavia,  with  the  count  de  Bethune  to  make  ar- 
rangements for  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  so  far  as 
regarded  the  duke  of  Savoy  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,. 
this  governor  continued  to  harass  the  Venetians,  and 
even  took  several  little  towns  belonging  to  them,  in- 
Lombardy.  They  complained  loudly  of  this  con- 
duct, and  made  preparations  to  carry  on  the  war 
mor<3  vigorously  than  ever.  The  marquis  of  Bed- 
mar  therefore  offered,  in  full  senate,  his  congratula-^ 
tions  upon  the  conclusion  of  peace,  and  engaged  that 
whatever  had  been  agreed  upon  should  be  performed. 
He  was  induced  to  take  this  step,  not  so  much  be- 
cause he  had  received  orders  frem  Spain,  as  because 
he  was  desirous  of  effacing  the  unfavorable  impres- 
sions, in  relation  to  him,  which  the  late  transactions 
had  made  upon  the  senate.  With  this  view,  he  per- 
formed the  ceremony  with  all  imaginable  demonstra 
tions  of  joy  and  friendship,  and  the  Venetians,  who  de-- 
sired  nothing  so  much  as  what  he  promised,  were  so 
far  deceived  by  his  protestations  that  they  agreed 
upon  a  suspension  of  arms. 

This  suspension  was  a  stroke  of  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  proved  the  masterly  adroitness 
of  their  ambassador.      The  siege   of  Gradisca  had 


SPANIARDS  AGAINST  VENICE.  55 

been  pressed  so  vigorously  that  the  place  could  not 
possibly  hold  out  a  fortnight.  Yet  hostilities  were 
not  to  cease  until  the  end  of  two  months,  because 
this  time  had  been  judged  necessary  to  exchange 
ratifications,  and  to  make  arrangements  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  treaties.  It  was  necessary  to  prevent  the 
surrender  of  Gradisca  within  this  time  ;  the  suspen- 
sion of  arms  placed  it  out  of  danger  ;  and  the  Span- 
iards, not  having  this  motive  to  hasten  the  execution 
of  the  treaties,  remained  at  full  liberty  to  interpose 
all  the  delays  they  might  imagine  necessary  to  their 
designs. 

In  effect,  the  duke  of  Ossuna,  constrained  by  or- 
ders from  Madrid,  and  the  urgent  representations  of 
the  pope,  offered  some  time  afterwards  to  restore  the 
ships  which  he  had  taken  ;  but,  as  to  the  merchan- 
dise, he  pretended  he  could  not  tell  what  had  becotne 
of  it.  It  was,  nevertheless,  at  this  moment,  exposed 
to  sale  at  Naples,  under  the  eyes  of  the  Venetian  res- 
ident ;  and  the  duke  again  sent  a  powerful  fleet  to 
cruise  in  the  Adriatic.  The  senate  having  thought 
proper  to  complain  of  this  to  the  marquis  of  Bedraar. 
he  joined  in  their  complaints,  and  was  even  louder 
than  they.  He  declared  that  he  could  not  explain 
nor  justify  the  conduct  of  the  duke  ;  that  the  king, 
their  master,  would  not  acknowledge  it ;  that,  having 
received,  during  the  period  of  his  embassy  at  Venice, 
many  favors,  and  much  friendly  treatment,  he  had 
but  one  subject  of  regret,  which  was,  that  the  conduct 
of  this  viceroy  had  been  imputed  to  his  counsels  ;  that, 


54  CONSPIRACY    OP    THff 

in  fact,  he  had  not  the  slightest  participation  in  it  ; 
that,  little  as  they  might  know  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna, 
they  must  be  convinced  that  he  was  governed  solely 
by  his  caprice  ;  and  that,  as  to  himself,  they  might 
judge  of  his  disposition,  by  the  pacific  conduct  of  the 
governor  of  Milan,  which,  he  was  proud  to  say,  had 
been  in  conformity  with  his  advice. 

It  was  true  that  the  governor  faithfully  observed  the 
engagement  to  suspend  hostile  operations  ;  but  yet  he 
did  not  disarm  his  troops  ;  and  that  this  conduct 
might  appear  less  strange,  he  contrived  to  quarrel 
again  with  the  duke  of  Savoy,  alleging,  as  a  pretext, 
that  the  troops  disbanded  by  this  prince,  still  remain- 
ed in  the  Pays  de  Vaud  awaiting  the  entire  execution 
of  the  treaties.  Don  Pedro,  when  required  by  the 
count  de  Bethune,  refused  to  disarm,  according  to 
his  promise  at  Pavia  ;  and  he  also  persuaded  the  duke 
of  Mantua  to  perform  whatever  depended  upon  him. 
The  Count  de  Bethune,  withdrawing  upon  their  refu- 
sal, published  a  protest  against  their  conduct ;  and  to 
this  protest  the  most  plausible  reply  was  made  that 
the  marquis  of  Bedmar  could  invent. 

From  what  has  been  related,  it  will  easily  be  seen 
that  it  was  important  to  hasten  the  execution  of  the 
conspiracy,  as  it  was  difficult  to  maintain  affairs,  for 
a  long  time,  in  the  condition  essential  to  its  success. 
But  tlie  duke  of  Ossuna  delayed  to  send  back  Nolot ; 
and  the  ambassador,  vexed  and  distressed  beyond 
measure,  having  demanded  an  explanation  of  this  de- 
lay, the  cause  was  soon  disclosed. 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  55 

A  short  time  after  the  captain  was  received  into  the 
service  of  the  republic,  the  duke,  desirous  of  gaining, 
from  different  sources,  intelligence  of  the  state  of 
Venice,  sent  thither,  as  a  spy^  an  Italian  named  Alex- 
ander Spinosa.  This  man,  who  was  unknown,  soon 
obtained  employment,  as  did  all  adventurers  who 
came  to  solicit  it.  He  suspected  that  the  duke  con- 
templated some  important  enterprise,  but  did  not  sup- 
pose that  the  corsair  was  entrusted  to  manage  it  y  he 
doubted,  however,  whether  this  corsair  was  on  such 
unfriendly  terms  with  the  duke  as  was  generally  sup- 
posed. After  his  arrival  at  Venice,  he  proposed  to 
the  viceroy  to  assassinate  the  captain  ;  the  viceroy 
dechned  the  offer,  alleging  that  the  attempt  would  be 
attended  with  danger.  Spinosa,  who  was  not  desti- 
tute of  sagacity,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
duke,  concluded  there  must  be  some  stronger  reason 
for  this  refusal ;  for  he  could  not  believe  that  he 
would  hesitate  to  obtain  revenge,  at  the  risk  of  losing 
one  of  his  men.  The  duke,  however,  charged  him  to 
observe  the  conduct  of  the  corsair,  either  to  prevent 
him  from  suspecting  the  truth,  or  because  he  belonged 
to  that  class  of  men  who  suspect  every  body,  and  was 
desirous  of  knowing  whether  the  reports  of  Spinosa 
and  the  captain,  in  relation  to  the  conduct  of  the  lat- 
ter, would  agree. 

To  enable  him  to  execute  his  commission,  Spinosa 
associated  with  several  Frenchmen,  whom  he  had 
known  at  Naples,  and  who  were  companions  of  the 
captain,  at  Venice.     These  men,  who   were    in  fact 


56  CONSPIRACY    OF    THfi 

some  of  the  conspirators,  gave  to  the  captain  an  ex- 
act account  of  the  enquiries  made  by  Spinosa,  in  rela- 
tion to  him  ;  and  they,  moreover,  discovered  that  this 
spy  was  himself  concerting  some  ploi,  and  endeavoring 
to  engage  men  for  the  service  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna. 

The  captain  felt  indignant  that  the  duke  distrusted 
him  ;  but  he  was  not  surprised  at  it  ;  nevertheless  he 
considered  that,  if  Spinosa  should  continue  his  in- 
trigue, without  coming  to  an  understanding  with  him, 
he  would  weaken  their  party  by  dividing  it ;  and 
that,  on  his  part,  he  could  not  condescend  to  solicit 
the  confidence  of  a  man  who  was  evidently  a  spy  up- 
on his  conduct. 

The  marquis  of  Bedmar  and  Renault  concluded 
also  that  this  difficulty  should  be  immediately  remov- 
ed, and  after  mature  deliberation  they  decided,  that 
nothing  could  ensure  their  own  safety,  but  the  sacri- 
fice of  Spinosa.  But  he  was  a  man  who  would  sell 
his  life  dearly,  should  they  attempt  to  assassinate  him  ; 
the  business  he  had  engaged  in  obliged  him  to  be  al- 
ways on  his  guard  ;  and  the  captain,  after  considering 
and  rejecting  every  other  course,  was  at  length  oblig- 
ed to  accuse  him  to  the  council  of  Ten,  as  a  spy  of 
the  duke  of  Ossuna.  The  Frenchmen,  with  whom 
he  had  associated,  testified  so  judiciously  against 
him,  that  he  was  arrested,  and  the  same  day  privately 
executed.  All  that  he  advanced  against  the  corsair 
made  no  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  judges,  be- 
cause the  latter  was  his  accuser,  and  he  could  prove 
nothing  that  he  asserted. 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VEJNICE.  5^ 

This  affair  greatly  increased  the  confidence  which 
the  Venetians  had  reposed  in  the  captain  ;  but  still  it 
disquieted  the  marquis  of  Bedmar,  because  it  admon- 
ed  the  Venetians  to  observe  more  closely  the  conduct 
of  the  foreigners  in  their  service. 

The  duke  of  Ossuna  had  just  heard  of  the  death 
of  Spinosa,  when  Nolot  arrived  at  Naples.  He  was 
at  no  loss  to  divine  the  author.  The  event  displeas- 
ed him  ;  he  was  offended  that  the  marquis  of  Bed- 
mar  sent  him  no  account  of  it  ;  and  the  various  sus- 
picions which  arose  in  his  mind  prevented  him  from 
forming  any  definite  resolution. 

The  troops  of  Lievestein  having,  In  the  mean  time, 
again  mutinied,  they  were,  in  the  beginning  of  Feb- 
ruary, marched,  by  the  order  of  the  senate,  to  the 
Lazaretto,  two  miles  from  Venice.  The  marquis  of 
Bedmar,  fearing  they  might  themselves,  in  order  to 
obtain  their  pay,  adjust  their  quarrel  with  the  repub- 
lic, and  would  then  be  compelled  to  leave  the  coun- 
try, persuaded  them,  by  means  of  their  officers,  not 
to  receive  the  sum  which  was  at  first  offered.  The 
conspirators,  that  they  might  have  it  in  their  power 
to  make  use  of  these  troops  w^iile  they  remained  in 
the  vicinity,  despatched  a  courier  to  Nolot,  request- 
ing him  to  state  to  the  viceroy,  that,  for  a  month  from 
that  time,  they  should  have  near  five  thousand  men 
at  their  command.  Nolot  discharged  his  duty  ;  but 
the  viceroy,  who  had  not  yet  digested  his  anger, 
amused  him  so  long  that,  after  a  suspense  of  six 
weeks,  the  ofBcers,  fearing  that   their   soldiers,  who 


58  CONSPIRACY    or    THE 

suffered  much,  would  make  an  agreement  themselves, 
concluded  an  arrangement,  with  the  consent  of  the 
conspirators,  who  saw  no  means  of  preventing  it. 

Ten  days  afterwards,  Nolot  arrived  from  Naples, 
with  the  determination  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna.  It 
was  such  as  they  desired,  but  was  addressed  to  Rob- 
ert Brulard,  one  of  the  associates  of  the  captain.  The 
ambassador  and  the  captain,  rejoicing  to  be  released 
from  their  perplexity,  did  not  deign  to  notice  this  in- 
sult. The  viceroy  stated  that  he  was  ready,  when- 
ever they  should  direct,  to  send  barks,  brigantines, 
and  other  small  vessels,  adapted  to  the  harbors  and 
canals  of  Venice,  and  capable  of  carrying  six  thou- 
sand men  if  necessary.  Nolot  had  seen  the  troops 
and  the  vessel  all  prepared  to  depart  j  and  the  cap- 
tain caused  the  harbors  and  canals,  which  led  to  Su 
Marks,  to  be  sounded.  As  he  had,  from  his  office, 
many  mariners  at  his  command,  they  could,  without 
suspicion,  visit  these  harbors  and  canals,  as  often  as 
they  pleased,  and  take  all  their  dimensions  with  ex- 
actness. 

Nothing  now  remained  but  to  prevent  the  depar- 
ture of  the  troops  of  Lievestein.  For  this  purpose, 
money  was  liberally  dispersed,  and  the  inclemency 
of  the  season  served  as  a  pretext  for  their  delay. 
The  greater  number  still  remained  at  the  lazaretto, 
and  those  who  had  departed  before  the  arrival  of  No- 
lot, stopped  at  places  near  to  Venice. 

Renault  and  the  captain,  finding  their  duties  too 
prduouSj  resolved  to  choose,  for   assistants,   eighteen 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  59 

Others,  who  should  be  discreet,  courageous,  and  wor- 
thy of  entire  confidence.  They  selected  the  nine 
whom  Renault  had  engaged  at  Friuli,  and  the  most 
distinguished  among  those  who  had  followed  the  cor- 
sair from  Naples.  Of  these,  five  were  captains  of 
vessels,  like  himself  ;  Vincent  Robert  of  Marseilles, 
Laurent  Nolot,  and  Robert  Brulard,  who  have  been 
already  mentioned  ;  the  two  last,  and  another  Bru- 
lard, named  Laurent,  were  from  Franche-compte  ; 
another^  from  Provence,  named  Antoine  Jaffier ;  two 
brothers,  from  Lorraine,  named  Charles  and  John 
Boleau,  and  and  an  Italian,  John  Rizzardo,  all  three 
well  acquainted  with  the  management  of  the  petard  ; 
and  a  Frenchman  called  Langlade,  who  was  consid- 
ered the  most  skilful  artificer  of  fire-works  that  ever 
lived.  His  skill  was  so  well  known  that  he  had  ob- 
tained permission  to  work  at  his  business  at  the  arse- 
nal ;  by  this  means,  the  petardiers,  his  comrades, 
were  freely  allowed  to  enter  the  arsenal,  as  well  as 
two  others,  named  Villa  Mezzana  and  Retrosi,  who 
had  been  employed  there  before,  and  who  were  of 
the  number  that  Renault  had  engaged. 

These  six  persons  drew  such  an  exact  plan  of  the 
arsenal,  that  those,  who  had  never  seen  it,  could  delib- 
erate concerning  it,  as  well  as  those  who  had  built  it. 
In  this  they  were  much  assisted  by  two  officers  of  the 
arsenal,  whom  the  captain  had  gained  to  his  party. 
They  appeared  to  him  to  be  dissatisfied  with  their 
employment,  to  be  ready  to  embark  in  such  a  project, 
should  it  promise  to  promote  their  interest,    and   dis- 


60  .  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

posed  to  adhere  faithfully  to  whatever  engagements 
they  might  make.  The  event  proved  that  he  ,  had 
judged  correctly.  The  flattery  which  he  freely  ad- 
ministered, accompanied  occasionally  by  a  considera- 
ble number  of  Spanish  pistoles,  induced  them  to  en- 
gage to  perform  whatever  he  should  command. 

Langlade  and  the  two  officers  lodged  in  the  arse- 
nal. Bride,  Brainville,  and  Laurent  Brulard  resided 
with  Renault,  at  the  house  of  the  French  ambassador. 
'The  three  petardiers  lived  with  the  marquis  of  Bed- 
mar,  who  supplied  them  with  powder  and  other  nee* 
essary  materials  and  instruments,  but  had  no  intern- 
course  with  them.  They  had  already  made  more 
petards  and  fire-works  than  were  necessary,  and  the 
ambassador's  house  was  so  full  that  no  others  could 
lodge  there.  The  captain  lived  in  his  own  house 
and  alone,  that  suspicion  might  not  be  excited  ;  and 
the  others  he  placed  at  the  house  of  the  courtesan, 
where  he  and  Renault  became  acquainted  with  each 
other.  The  esteem  and  friendship  which  succeeded 
to  the  love  they  had  felt  for  her,  but  still  more  the 
knowledge  they  had  obtained  of  her  adventures,  per- 
suaded them  that  they  could  not  make  a  better  se- 
lection. 

This  courtesan  was  from  one  of  the  Greek  Islands 
of  the  Archipelago,  and  her  family  held  as  high  a 
rank  as  any,  not  being  Venetian,  could  hold  in  a  coun- 
try under  the  dominion  of  Venice.  The  person  sent 
there  as  governor,  by  the  republic,  flattering  her  with 
high  expectations,  seduced  her,  and  afterwards,  when 


SPANIARDS  AGAINST  TENICE. 


61 


her  father  required  the  fulfilments  of  his  promise,  he 
caused  him  to  be  assassinated.  The  daughter  re- 
paired to  Venice  to  demand  the  punishment  of  the 
murderer,  but  she  obtained  no  redress  ;  and  having, 
in  prosecuting  her  suit,  expended  all  the  property  she 
possessed,  her  beauty  reheved  her  from  the  misery  it 
occasioned.  No  passion  is  so  violent  as  the  resent- 
ment of  a  person  compelled  to  descend  from  a  re- 
spectable to  a  degraded  rank.  The  project  of  her 
two  friends  gave  her  inexpressible  pleasure,  and  she 
was  willing  to  risk  every  thing  to  aid  it.  She  rented 
one  of  the  largest  houses  in  Venice  ;  and,  under  the 
pretext  of  making  some  alterations,  she  forbore  to 
remove  her  furniture  into  it,  and  thus  retained,  with- 
out exciting  suspicion,  the  one  she  before  occupied, 
and  which  was  not  far  distant. 

In  these  two  houses,  eleven  of  the  principal  con- 
spirators resided,  for  near  six  months.  As  sbe  was 
visited  by  all  the  genteel  Venetians  and  foreigners, 
and  as  this  crowd  of  people,  flocking  to  her  house, 
might  lead  to  the  discovery  of  her  inmates,  she  feign- 
ed an  excuse  to  prevent  these  visits.  They,  who 
know  with  what  civility  women  of  her  character  are 
treated  in  Italy,  will  readily  beheve  that  her  house 
was  afterwards  visited  by  none  but  such  as  went 
thither  on  business.  The  conspirators  left  it  in  the 
night  only,  and  their  meetings  were  held  during  the 
day. 

At  these  meetings,  Renault  and   the  captain    pro- 
posed to  the  conspirators,   the  measures  vvliich  had 
6 


62  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

been  agreed  upon  with  marquis  of  Bedmar,  that  their 
opinions  might  be  obtained  and  the  means  of  execut- 
ing them  be  devised.  Whenever  it  was  necessary 
to  visit  the  marquis,  they  repaired  to  his  house,  with 
all  the  circumspection  required  in  a  country  hke  this, 
and  at  a  time  when  the  houses  of  ambassadors,  and 
particularly  his,  were  watched  as  though  they  were 
the  abode  of  enemies.  It  had  long  been  determined 
that  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  thousand  soldiers  in 
the  city,  before  the  execution  of  their  plot  ;  but  as  it 
might  occasion  suspicion  should  all  bring  arms,  the 
marquis  had  procured  them  for  more  than  five  hun- 
dred. As  the  gondolas  of  ambassadors,  from  what- 
ever quarter  they  come,  are  not  visited,  he  had  found 
it  easy  to  do  this  :  and  nothing  was  now  wanting  but 
an  opportunity  to  introduce  the  requisite  number  of 
men  without  exciting  observation. 

About  this  time,  the  doge  Donato  died,  and  Anto- 
nio Priuli,  who  was  then  at  Friuli  to  enforce  the  exe- 
cution of  the  treaties,  was  elected  in  his  stead.  The 
admiral  was  ordered  to  repair  thither,  with  his  fleet, 
and  escort  him  to  Venice.  The  grand  chancellor, 
and  the  secretaries  of  state,  were  to  proceed  in  ad- 
vance, and  bear  to  him  the  ducal  bonnet.  Twelve 
of  the  prin€ipal  senators  were  to  follow,  each  in  aii 
armed  brigantine  magnificently  decorated,  and  accoifidlHj 
panied  by  a  splendid  suite  ;  and  the  senate,  in  a 
body,  were  to  meet  him  at  sea,  and  conduct  hina^ 
with  all  this  retinue,  to  the  city.  ^ 

As  it  had  seldom  happened  that  those  who    were 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE. 


63 


elected  to  the  office  of  doge,  were,   at  the  time,   ab- 
sent from  the  city,  this  unusual  pomp  attracted  to  it  a 
large  number  of  people.     The   marquis  of  Bedmar, 
who  anticipated  this  when  he  heard  of  the  election  of 
Priuli,  sent  Nolot   again    to  Naples,  directing  him  to 
insist  on  the  immediate  departure  of  the  duke  of  Os- 
suna.     To  remove  all  excuse  for  delay,  the  captain 
was  directed  to  send  to  the  duke  an  exact  plan  of  the 
■enterprise,  and  to   give   him  an    account  of  all  that 
occurred  at  Venice,    during  the   former  absence  of 
Nolot.     The  corsair  did  even  more  than  he  was   di- 
rected.    Willing  to  humour  the  caprice  of  the   vice- 
roy, and  to  show  that   they  felt  no    dissatisfaction  at 
his  conduct,  he  concluded   his   despatch   with    these 
words. — "  I  attribute  the  long  delay  of  Nolot,  at  Na- 
ples, to  his  remissnes ;  for  1  do  not  doubt  that,    had 
he  represented  things  truly,   your    excellency  would 
have  hastened  his  return.     He    doubtless    asked    for 
money,  or  made  some  other  demand  of  that  nature, 
but  he  had  express  orders  to    the    contrary  ;    and  I 
now  engage  to  retain  Venice  in  my  power  six  months, 
should  not  the  grand  fleet  of  your    excellency   arrive 
sooner,  provided  you  send  me  the    brigantines,    and 
the  six  thousand  men,  immediately  after  Nolot  reach- 
es Naples."     This  letter  bears  date  the  11th  of  April, 
the  day  Nolot  left  Venice. 

In  the  mean  time,  Renault  assembled,  at  Venice, 
all  the  officers  of  the  troops  he  had  engaged,  that  they 
might  gain  such  a  knowledge  of  the  city  as  to  be  able 
\Q  execute  the  enterprise  in  the  night.     Before  they 


64 


CONSPIRACY    OP   THE 


came,  they  designated  individually  a  thousand  of  the 
Dutch  troops,  who  were  directed  to  hold  themselves 
in  readiness  to  march  at  a  day's  notice ;  and  to  pre- 
vent the  absence  of  these  men  from  being  remarked, 
they  were  selected,  in  equal  proportions,  from  the  va- 
rious posts,  where  those  troops  were  stationed.  To 
lodge  these  troops,  each  of  the  officers  engaged  as- 
many  apartments  as  he  could  without  exciting  suspi- 
cion ;  the  landlords  were  told  that  these  apartments 
were  engaged  for  foreigners,  who  were  desirous  of 
witnessing  the  approaching  celebration.  The  officers 
themselves  lodged  at  the  houses  of  courtezans,  where, 
paying  liberally,  they  were  more  effectually  conceal- 
ed than  they  could  have  been  in  any  other  place. 

Nothing  now  remained  but  to  arrange  the  plan  of 
execution ;  and  the  marquis  of  Bedmar,  Renault^ 
and  the  captain,  conferring  together,  determined  up- 
on the  following. 

'•'As  soon  as  it  shall  be  dark,  that  portion  of  the 
thousand  soldiers,  who  shall  have  come  to  the  city 
without  arms,  shall  rej)air  to  the  residence  of  the  am- 
bassador, where  arms  will  be  delivered  to  them* 
Five  hundred  shall  then  proceed  to  the  square  of  St. 
Marks,  where  the  captain  will  meet  them  ;  the  great- 
er part  of  the  other  five  hundred  will  go  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  arsenal,  where  they  will  be  joined  by 
Renault,  and  the  remainder  will  take  possession  of  all 
the  gondolas  and  boats  they  can  find,  near  the  bridge 
of  Rialto,  and  proceed,  with  all  possible  haste,  to 
bring  from  the  lazaretto  about  one  thousand   soldiery 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST   VENICE. 


65 


of  Lievestein's  regiment.  While  these  are  absent, 
those  who  remain  will  conduct  themselves  as  peace- 
ably as  possible,  that  they  may  not,  by  producing 
commotion,  be  obliged  to  act,  until  the  troops  shall 
have  arrived  from  the  lazaretto. 

"If nothing  occurs,  until  these    troops    shall  have 
arrived. at  the  square  of  St.  Marks,  to  make  it  neces- 
sary for  the  conspirators  to  declare  themselves,  the 
captain  shall  take  five   hundred   of  them,   and    shall 
place  them,  with  the  five  hundred  already  there,  un- 
der   the   command    of  the  serjeant  major  Durand. 
These  thousand  men  shall  then  be  drawn  up  in  order 
of  battle.     The  captain,  with  two  hundred  men,  shall 
take  possession  of  the  ducal  palace,  and  especially  of 
the  arms  deposited  there,  that  he  may  supply  such  of 
his  own  troops  as  shall  be  destitute,  and   prevent  the 
Venetians  from  using  them.     A  hundred  others,    un- 
der Bride,  shall  take  possession  of  La  Secque  ;  and 
a  hundred  others,  under  Brainville,  of  the   palace  of 
the  procurator,  with  the  assistance  of  men,  who  will, 
during  the  day,  be  secretly  introduced  into   the  bel- 
frey  or  tower.     These  hundred  last  mentioned  shall 
remain  in  the  belfrey,  until  the  enterprise   is   accom- 
plished, to  prevent  the  sounding   of  the  alarm  bell. 
Other   detachments  shall  keep  guard  at  the  entrance 
of  all  the  streets  that  lead  from  the  square.       Artille- 
ry must   be    placed   in    positions  to    enfilade  these 
streets ;  and  until  cannon  can  be  obtained    from  the 
arsenal,  they  must  be  taken  from  the   galley   of  the 
council  of  ten,  which  is  near  the  spot,  and  may  be 
6* 


65  CONSPIRACY    OF   THE 

easily  seized.  All  who  are  found  in  the  places  of 
which  possession  shall  be  gained,  and  where  guards- 
shall  be  posted,  shall  be  put  to  the  sword.  During 
these  operations  around  the  square,  the  serjeant  ma- 
jor will  remain  in  the  middle,  w^ith  the  rest  of  the 
troops  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle.  And  all  these 
things  must  be  done  with  as  little  noise  and  disturb- 
ance as  possible. 

"  The  conspirators  will  then  openly  proceed  to  force, 
with  petards,  the  gate  of  the  arsenal.  At  this  signal, 
the  eight  conspirators,  who  have  drawn  the  plan  of 
it,  and  who  will  be  witliin,  shall,  with  the  artificial 
fire  works  prepared  for  the  purpose,  set  fire  to  it,  in 
different  places,  and  put  the  principal  officers  to  the 
sword.  This  they  may  easily  do,  in  the  confusion 
which  the  petards  and  the  fire  will  occasion,  especial- 
ly as  these  officers  will  have  no  suspicion  of  their 
purpose.  They  will  join  Renault  as  soon  as  he  shall 
have  gained  admittance,  and  every  person  belonging 
to  the  arsenal  shall  immediately  be  killed.  The  sol- 
diers will  then  convey  the  cannon  to  the  places  where 
they  can  be  used  with  most  effect,  particularly  to  the 
Arena  de  Mari,  to  the  Fontego  de  Tedeschi,  to 
the  salt  magazines,  to  the  belfrey  of  the  procurator's 
palace,  to  the  bridge  of  Rialto,  and  to  other  elevated 
places,  from  which  they  may  fire  on  the  city,  and  de- 
stroy it,  should  resistance  be  made. 

<*  Whilst  Renault  is  forcing  the  gate  of  the  arsenal, 
the  captain  will  break  into  the  prison  of  St.  Marks, 
and  arm  the  prisoners.     The  principal  senators  must 


SPANIAllOS    AGAINST     VENICE. 


6f 


be  killed  ;  and  persons,  engaged  for  the  purpose, 
will  set  fire  to  at  least  forty  places  in  the  city,  as  dis- 
tant as  possible  from  each  other,  in  order  to  increase^ 
the  confusion. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  the  Spaniards  despatched  by 
the  duke  of  Ossuna,  having  heard  the  signal,  which 
will  have  been  given  on  becoming  masters  of  the  ar- 
senal, will  debark  at  the  square  of  St.  Marks,  and  in- 
stantly proceed,  in  detachments,  to  different  quarters 
of  the  city,  under  the  command  of  the  other  nine 
leaders  of  the  conspiracy. 

'*  Every  one  shall  cry  liberty ,  liberty  ;  and  when  all 
these  orders  are  executed,  the  city  shall  be  given  up 
to  pillage  :  but  foreigners  shall  be  respected  ;  from 
them  nothing  shall  be  taken,  under  pain  of  death,  and 
every  one  shall  be  spared  who  ceases  to  resist." 

Nolot,  on  arriving  at  Naples,  found  every  thing  in 
such  a  state  of  preparation,  that  the  six  thousand  men 
were  embarked  the  next  day,  under  the  command  of 
an  Englishman  of  the  name  of  Haillot.  To  avoid 
suspicion  the  duke  of  Ossuna  directed  that  his  large 
ships  should  make  a  long  circuit ;  but  he  sent  Haillot 
and  the  brigantines  by  the  shortest  route.  On  the 
second  day  of  their  voyage,  these  brigantines  were 
attacked  by  a  squadron  of  corsairs  from  Barbary. 
As  they  were  constructed  for  the  transport  of  troops, 
and  were  not  fitted  to  engage  in  a  regular  action, 
they  suffered  much  from  the  artillery  of  the  Barba- 
rians, whose  brigantines  were  better  armed,  and 
could  be  managed  with  more  ease.      But  though  the 


08  CONSPIRACY    OF    THtl 

men  on  board  the  Neapolitan  vessels  were  too  nu- 
merous to  act  with  regularity  and  freedom,  yet  as 
they  were  all  Spaniards,  selected  for  the  occasion, 
they  treated  so  harshly  such  of  the  enemy  as  they 
could  grapple  with,  that  these  corsairs  would  proba- 
bly have  had  cause  to  regret  having  encountered 
them,  had  not  a  furious  storm,  occurring  in  the  heat 
of  the  engagement,  dispersed  both  fleets.  That  of 
the  duke  of  Ossuna  received  so  much  damage  that  it 
could  not  again  venture  to  sea,  for  some  time. 

The  news  of  this  disaster  convinced  the  marquis 
of  Bed  mar  that  he  could  not  disturb  the  approaching 
festivities.  He  therefore  participated  in  them,  dis- 
playing more  magnificence  than  any  other  person. 
He  declared,  in  the  senate,  when  congratulating  the 
new  doge  upon  his  elevation,  that  the  lively  joy  he 
experienced  arose  from  his  confidence  that  his  high- 
ness would  retain,  on  the  throne,  that  earnest  desire 
for  the  execution  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  which  he  had 
lately  expressed  at  Friuli. 

On  leaving  the  senate,  he  sent  for  Renault  and  the 
captain.  Shall  the  enterprise,  he  asked  them,  be 
abandoned  ?  They  replied,  that  not  only  were  they 
unwilling  to  abandon  it,  but  their  associates  appear- 
ed no  more  disheartened  by  the  disaster  of  the  fleet, 
than  if  it  had  arrived  safe  in  port ;  and  that  they  were 
all  disposed  to  take  the  necessary  means  to  preserve 
affairs  in  their  present  condition,  until  circumstances 
should  become  more  favorable.  The  ambassador, 
who  trembled  when  he  asked  the  question,  embraced 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  6Q 

them,  on  hearing  this  reply,  with  tears  of  joy.  He 
said  to  them,  with  a  gaiety  and  animation  which  wouhi 
have  inspired  the  timid  with  boldness,  and  revived 
the  confidence  of  the  most  terrified,  that  great  rever- 
ses, which,  in  common  affairs,  might  divert  men  from 
their  purposes,  are  but  natural  incidents  in  extraordi- 
nary enterprises  ;  that  they  test  the  strength  o(  the 
mind  ^  and  that  then  only  ought  a  man  to  consider 
himself  capable  of  accomplishing  a  diihcult  enterprise, 
when  he  has  been  once  defeated,  and  preserved  his 
equanimity  and  firmness. 

It  was  finally  determined,  by  the  marquis    and   his 
two  confidents,  that    the    execution    of  their   project 
should  be  deferred  until  the  feast  of  Ascension,  which 
was  near,  and  was,  at  that  period,   the    most   solemn 
festival  celebrated  at  Venice  ;  that,  in  the  meantime, 
the  troops  should  be  kept  in  the  places  they  then  oc- 
cupied, and  all  the  comforts    and    conveniences    they 
could  desire  should  be  furnished  them  ;  that,    for  this 
purpose,  money  should  be   freely   distributed    among 
the  principal  officers  :    that,    of  the    three    hundred 
who  had  repaired  to  Venice,  the  most   distinguished 
should  be  detained,  as  hostages  for  the  fidelity  of  the 
rest,  and  the  others  sent  back,  as  well  to    retain   the 
soldiers  in  their  duty,  as  to  avoid  exciting   suspicion, 
by  lessening  the  number  of  officers  in  the  city  ;  that 
the  time  of  those  who  remained  should   be    occupied 
in  some  agreeable  manner,  to  prevent  them  from  be- 
ing wearied  by  waiting,  and  from  reflecting  too  much 
on  the  present  state  of  affairs  ;  that  the  twenty  prin- 


70  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

cipal  conspirators  should  attentively  observe  their 
conduct ;  and  that,  to  induce  the  republic  to  retain 
the  troops  of  Lievestein,  and  to  defer  dismissing  those 
of  Nassau,  the  governor  of  Milan,  and  the  viceroy  of 
Naples,  should  delay  carrying  the  treaties  into  exe- 
cution. 

Every  pretext,  which  human  ingenuity  could  de- 
vise, was  invented  by  the  marquis  of  Bedmar,  and 
put  in  practice  by  don  Pedro  and  the  duke  of  Ossuna  ; 
nevertheless,  they  were  constantly  impelled,  howev- 
er contrary  it  might  have  been  to  tiieir  inclinations, 
to  take  steps  which  led  to  peace.  The  council  of 
Spain  dared  hazard  nothing  upon  the  uncertain  pros- 
pect of  the  success  of  the  conspiracy  ;  and  France, 
desirous  of  maintaining  the  treaty  of  Paris,  persuad- 
ed the  Venetians  te  consent  that  the  duke  of  Savoy 
should  dismiss  the  troops,  who,  remaining  in  the 
Pays  de  Vaud,  afforded  to  don  Pedro  a  pretext  for 
his  delays.  This  obstacle  removed,  the  marquis  of 
Bedmar,  in  hope  of  preventing  this  prince  from  re- 
storing the  places  he  had  taken  in  Montferrat,  circu- 
lated a  report  that,  as  soon  as  the  duke  of  Mantau 
should  regain  possession,  he  would  enter  into  some 
arrangement  with  the  Spaniards. 

At  the  same  time,  don  Pedro  quarrelled,  without 
cause,  with  a  minister  from  Savoy,  who  had  come  to 
Milan  with  the  French  ambassadors,  and  command- 
ed him  to  quit  the  city.  The  duke,  irritated  by  this 
insLdt,  directed  them  to  repair  to  Savoy,  and  counter- 
manded the  orders  he    had    given    to   evacuate    the 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST   VENICE»  71 

places  he  occupied  ;  but,  convinced  by  the  ambassa- 
dors that  he  had  fallen  into  the  snare  set  for  him  by 
don  Pedro,  he  instantly  surrendered  those  places.    So 
great  was  the  astonishment  of  don   Pedro,   when  he 
heard  of  this,  that  he  could  not  forbear  expressing  it 
m  public.     He  felt  it  to  be  necessary  t©  give  up  also 
his  prisoners,  and   the  places    of  least    importance  ; 
but,  as  to  restoring  VercelH,  the  important  point,  he 
made  such  unreasonable  objections,  that   the  council 
of  Spain  threatened  to  recal  him,  before  the  usual  pe- 
riod.    At  first,  he  declared  that  it  would  be  disgrace- 
ful for  him  to  restore  Vercelii,  whilst  the  French  am- 
bassadors remained  at  Milan,  for  the    purpose,    as  it 
seemed,  of  compelling    him  to  do  it.     They    quitted 
that  city.     He  then  insisted  that  the  duke    of   Savoy 
should  previously  restore  certain  lands,  w^hich  belong- 
ed to  ministers  of  Mantua.      These   lands    were    re- 
stored ;  yet  don  Pedro  still  kept  possession    of  Ver- 
celii.   At  length,  the  king  of  France,  who  wished  to 
conclude    a  marriage   between     Madam   Christiana, 
his  sister,  and  the  prince  of  Piedmont,  having  expres- 
sed himself  plainly   and   decisively    on    this    subject, 
don  Pedro  began  to  send  off  the  munitions  of  war  and 
the  artillery,  but  proceeded  with  all  possible  slowness. 
The  marquis  of  Bedmar   having    requested    him    to 
use  even  less  despatch,    he  resorted  to  the  expedient 
of  requiring  additional  assurances,    from  the  duke  of 
Savoy,  in  favor  of  the    duke    of  Mantua  ;    but    the 
ministers  of  Mantua,  wearied  by  so  many  delays,  de- 
clared, in  a  public  manifesto,  that  they  did  not  desire 
these  assurances. 


72  CONSPIRACY    OF   THE 

Whatever  chagrin   this   declaration    occasioned  to 
the  Marquis  of  Bedmar,  the  conduct  of  the    duke  of 
Ossuna  occasioned  still  greater.     This  duke,    haras- 
sed by  the  incessant  complaints  of  the  Venetians,  that 
he  continued  to  disturb  the    navigation    of  the   gulf, 
and  unable  to  devise  any  other  nev^^  pretence  to  justi- 
fy himself,  made  answer,  that  he   should    pursue  the 
same  measures  so  long  as  the  Venetians  retained   in 
their  service  the  most  inveterate  enemies  of  the  king 
his  master.     The  feelings  of  the  marquis,   on  hearing 
this  reply  of  the  duke,  may  be  easily  imagined,  when 
it  is  recollected  what  pains  he  had  taken  to  detain  in 
the  city  the  troops  from  Holland,    to  whom  the  duke 
alluded.     He  had  no  doubt  that  the  senate,  who  were 
desirous  of  peace,  at  any  price,  would,  to  deprive  the 
viceroy  of  all  excuse,  immediately  dismiss  them  ;  but 
the  event  was  again  at  variance  with  the  well-founded 
anticipation  of  the  marquis. 

Some  demon,  favorable  to  the  extravagances  of  the 
duke  of  Ossuna,  impelled  the  Venetians  to  pursue  a 
course  directly  contrary  to  their  inclinations  and  their 
interest.  It  was  suggested  to  the  senate,  that  the  re- 
public had  already  given  too  many  proofs  of  its  desire 
for  peace  ;  that  it  was  this  that  encouraged  the  Span- 
iards to  delay  the  execution  of  the  treaties  ;  that,  if 
the  last  demand  of  the  viceroy  were  granted,  he 
would  be  led  to  think  they  would  assent  to  any  thing ; 
and  that,  instead  of  dismissing  these  troops,  it  was 
necessary  to  retain  in  service  even  the  regiment  of 
Lievestein,  until  the  complete  execution  of  the  treaties.^ 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  /  3 

The   pleasure    which   this  resolution   gave  to  the 
marquis  of  Bedmar  was  disturbed  by  the  discovery 
of  the  plot  at  Crema.     Alfier,  the   officer  from  Pro- 
vence, and  the  Italian   captain,   who   were    stationed 
there,  and  had  been  engaged  in  the  conspiracy,   hav- 
ing quarrelled  at  play,  a  duel  was  the   consequence, 
in  which  the  captain  was  mortally  wounded.     Before 
he  expired,  he,  to  relieve  his  conscience,  made  a  full 
disclosure  to  the  Venetian  commander.       Alfier,  an- 
ticipating   this,  absconded  immediately  after  wound- 
ing his  adversary,  taking  with  him  all  his  accomplices 
whom  he  could  apprize  of  their    danger.       The  re- 
mainder, among  whom    was   the   French   Heutenant, 
who  was  the  principal,  were  arrested  ;    but  as    Re- 
nault had  made  himself  known   merely   as    an    agent 
from  Milan,  and  as  they  knew  nothing  more  concern- 
ing him,  don  Pedro  only  was  implicated  by    the   dis- 
closure. 

Eight  days  afterwards,    the    sergeant  major,  who 
had  agreed  to  deliver  up  Marano  to  the  conspirators, 
having  kept  back,  for  his   own   emolument,  a  part  of 
the  perquisites  of  a  servant  of  the  purveyor,  and  of  a 
pensioner  of  the  republic,  they,   irritated  by  (he  loss, 
entered  his  house    in    his  absence,    broke   open   his 
trunks,   and    carried   away    his   money    and    papers. 
Among  these  were  letters  on  the  subject  of  the  con- 
spiracy.    As   he   knew  only  the  agent  of  the  duke  of 
Ossuna,  who  had  negotiated  with  him,  he  would  have 
accused  none  but  the  duke  ;    but  he  pursued  a  r  iore 
honorable  course.     In  the  midst  of  torments,   he   ue- 
7 


74  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

clared  that  he  was  well  convinced  he  should  not  be 
permitted  to  escape,  and  that  he  had  rather  leave  his 
accomplices,  if  he  had  any,  in  a  condition  to  avenge 
his  death,  than,  by  making  disclosures,  to  ruin  them 
without  any  advantage  to  himself.  Thanks  to  God 
v/ere  offered  publicly  in  Venice,  on  occasion  of  these 
two  discoveries.  The  success  of  the  enterprise  was, 
however,  rendered  more  certain  than  before.  The 
senate  supposed  they  had,  at  length,  ascertained  the 
secret  cause  of  the  irregular  conduct  of  the  Span- 
iards ;  and,  after  these  two  projects  had  failed,  they 
imagined  that  all  danger  was  over,  and  no  longer 
doubted  the  complete  fulfilment  of  the  treaties. 

The  time  assigned  for  the  execution  of  the  enter- 
prise was  now  near.  From  the  Sunday  preceding 
the  feast  of  Ascension  to  the  day  of  Pentecost,  one 
of  the  most  celebrated  fairs  in  the  world,  was,  at  that 
period,  held  at  Venice.  The  crowd  of  merchants, 
who  then  visited  the  city,  did  not  increase  the  difficul- 
ty of  surprising  it ;  on  the  contrary,  it  afforded  to 
the  body  of  one  thousand  soldiers,  an  opportunity  of 
entering  with  the  merchants,  and  of  procuring  lodg- 
ings without  being  remarked.  They  found  it  easy  to 
leave  the  Venetian  towns  where  they  were  posted, 
because,  for  several  months,  those  most  anxious  to 
return  to  their  native  country  had,  from  time  to  time, 
been  dismissed  ;  and  the  magistrates,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  impose  regulations,  neglected  to  interfere,  be- 
cause the  republic  paid  nothing  for  their  services.  As 
the  departure  of  so  many    at  once   might  occasion 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST   VENICE.  7S 

alarm,  most  of  them  declared  that  they  were  going  to 
the  fair  at  Venice.  They  changed  their  dress,  assum- 
ing the  guise  of  various  occupations.  To  avoid  all 
appearance  of  concert,  individuals,  who  spoke  differ- 
ent languages,  took  lodgings  together,  and  all  behav- 
ed as  though  they  had  no  acquaintance  with  each 
other. 

The  five  hundred  Spaniards  who  were  to  have  ex- 
ecuted the  plot  at  Crema,  which  had  been  discovered, 
were  sent,  by  don  Pedro,  to  the  vicinity  of  Brescia, 
with  orders,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  success 
of  the  conspiracy,  to  take  possession  of  that  city,  in 
which  they  were  to  be  assisted  by  the  party  formed 
there  by  the  lieutenant  of  the  count  of  Nassau,  and 
yet  subsisting.  The  leader  of  these  Spaniards  was 
charged  to  conduct  them  directly  to  Venice,  the  in- 
stant he  received  orders  from  Renault. 

The  Venetian  fleet  had  sailed  to  Dalmatia,  but  so 
incessant  were  the  movements  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna, 
that  it  was  kept  in  constant  readiness  to  put  out  to 
sea.  The  captain  sent  to  the  officers,  who,  in  his  ab- 
sence, commanded  his  twelve  vessels,  powerful  fire- 
works, to  be  secretly  distributed  to  the  other  vessels 
of  the  fleet,  just  before  the  time  appointed  for  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  enterprise.  As  no  one  distrusted  these 
officers,  it  was  easy  for  them  to  do  this  without  being 
discovered  or  even  suspected.  He  gave  orders  that 
they  should  measure  the  matches  so  exactly,  that,  if 
possible,  all  might  explode  at  the  same  moment ;  that 
If  any  vessel  should  be  uninjured  by  them,  they  should 


76  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

attack,  and  capture  or  sink  her ;  that  they  should 
then  repair  immediately  to  Venice,  and  be  in  readi- 
ness to  perform  whatever  might  be  directed,  but 
should  wait  for  further  orders  before  they  attempted 
any  thing.  The  Sunday  before  the  feast  of  Ascen- 
sion, being  the  first  day  of  the  fair,  was  appointed  for 
the  execution  of  the  enterprise. 

The  Httle  squadron  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna  was  this 
time  so  fortunate  as  to  arrive,  without  any  accident, 
within  six  miles  of  Venice.     To  prevent  suspicion,  it 
sailed  in  two    divisions,  one  at  a  little  distance  from 
the  other.     The  largest  was  composed  of  boats  like 
those  of  fishermen  j    the  other  of   brigantines  similar 
to  those  of  the  corsairs.     On  Saturday  morning,  Hail- 
lot  was  commanded  to  leave  his  station  the  next  day, 
at  such  time  as  would  enable  him  to  approach  within 
sight  of  Venice  between  day -light  and  dark  ;  to  lioist 
the  standard  of  St.  Marks,  and  take  possession  of  sev- 
eral little  islands  near  which  he  must  necessarily  pass, 
which  were  entirely  defenceless,  and  from  which    in^ 
formation  might  be  sent  of  hia  arrival  ;  he   w^as    then 
to  present  himself  boldly  before  the    castles  of  Sida 
and  Malamaco,  which  were  destitute  of  garrisons,  and 
between  which  he  could  pass  without  injury  ;    on  giv-. 
ing  notice,  by  despatching  a  boat,  of  his  arrival  there, 
pilots  were  to  be  sent  to  him  lest  he  should  run  upon 
the  banks  or  rocks  which  render  the  entrance  of  the 
port  difficult  to  strangers. 

As  the  whole  of  the  next  day  must  be  occupied  in 
preparing  for  th^  business  of  the  evenings  Renault  anc( 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  77 

the  captain  considered  it  advisable  to  confer,  for  the 
last  time,  with  their  companions  ;  and  it  was  agreed 
that  Renault  should  state  to  them  the  situation  of  af- 
fairs, and  give  them  the  necessary  directions.  Though 
great  exertions  were  made,  all  could  not  be  collected 
until  near  night.  There  were  present,  at  this  meet- 
ing, the  three  Frenchmen  who  lodged  with  Renault, 
the  lieutenant  of  the  count  of  Nassau,  the  three  pe- 
tardiers,  Langlade,  the  two  officers  of  the  arsenal, 
the  captain  and  the  lieutenant  who  had  formerly  been 
stationed  there,  Nolot,  the  two  Brulards,  Jaffier,  Rob- 
ert, Theodore  the  Dutchman,  the  Savoyard  who  was 
present  at  the  assault  of  Geneva,  and  Revellido  the 
engineer.  These  twenty  persons,  with  Renault  and 
the  captain,  having  shut  themselves  up,  with  all  the 
precautions  usual  at  such  meetings,  in  the  most  se- 
cluded apartment  in  the  house  of  the  courtezan,  the 
latter  addressed  the  assembly. 

He  began  by  giving  a  plain  and  full  account  of  the 
present  state  of  affairs  ;  of  the  forces  of  the  republic, 
and  of  their  own  ;  of  the  disposition  of  the  city  and 
of  the  fleet ;  of  the  preparations  of  don  Pedro  and  of 
the  duke  of  Ossuna  ;  of  the  arms  and  other  munitions 
of  war  deposited  at  the  house  of  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador ;  of  his  private  understandings  with  members  of 
the  senate  and  many  of  the  nobility  ;  and,  in  fine,  of 
the  precise  information  they  had  obtained  of  whatever 
was  necessary  to  be  known.  After  having  gained 
the  confidence  of  his  hearers  by  this  detail,  which 
they  themselves  knew  to  be  correct,  of  arrangements 
7^ 


7^  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

effected  almost  as  much  by  their  efforts  as  his   own, 
he  proceeded  as  follows  : 

"  Such,  my  companions,  are  the  means  destined 
to  conduct  you  to  the  glory  you  so  ardently  seek. 
Every  one  of  you  can  judge  whether  th3y  may  be 
relied  on,  and  are  sufficient.  The  plans  we  have 
devised  will,  beyond  all  question,  enable  us  to  intro- 
duce ten  thousand  soldiers  into  a  city  which  does  not 
contain  two  hundred  to  oppose  us  ;  the  plunder  of 
this  city  vv^ill  attract  to  our  party  all  the  foreigners 
whom  curiosity  or  traffic  has  brought  hither  ;  and  the 
inhabitants  themseh'es,  the  instant  they  perceive  they 
can  do  it  with  safety,  will  assist  us  to  plunder  the 
nobles  who  have  plundered  them  so  often.  The  best 
vessels  of  the  fleet  are  ours,  and  the  rest  carry  with- 
in them,  at  this  moment,  the  means  of  their  own  des- 
truction. The  arsenal,  that  famous  arsenal,  the  won- 
der of  Europe  and  the  terror  of  Asia,  is  even  now  al- 
most in  our  power.  The  nine  brave  men,  who  now 
hear  me,  and  who,  for  six  months  past,  could  have 
delivered  it  to  us  at  a  word,  have  taken  such  addition- 
al precautions  during  the  delay  that  has  taken  place, 
that  they  are  willing  to  answer,  with  their  lives,  for 
its  surrender.  Even  should  we  not  have  the  troopa 
at  the  lazaretto,  nor  those  on  the  main  land,  nor  the 
little  fleet  of  Haillot  to  support  us,  nor  the  five  hun- 
dred men  promised  by  don  Pedro,  nor  the  twenty 
Venetian  vessels  of  our  comrade,  nor  the  large  ves- 
sels of  the  duke  of  Ossuna,  nor  the  Spanish  army  of 
L#ombardy,  yet  our  recent  understandings  and  our 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  79 

thousand  soldiers  would  be  amply  sufficient  for  our 
purpose.  And  all  the  different  means,  which  I  have 
just  enumerated,  are  disposed  in  such  manner  that 
any  one  may  fail  us,  and  the  others  be  left  in  a  state 
to  act  with  undiminished  efficiency.  All  are  distinct 
and  independent  ;  each  may  aid,  but  cannot  injure, 
the  others.  It  is  hardly  possible  that  all  should  fail  us, 
and  any  one  is  sufficient  to  ensure  success. 

"  And  if,  after  taking  .all  the  precautions  which  hu- 
man wisdom  can  suggest,  we  may  anticipate  what 
success  fortune  will  award  us,  can  we  have  proofs  of 
her  favor  more  explicit  than  those  we  have  already 
received  ?  Yes,  my  friends,  they  certainly  partake  of 
the  miraculous.  In  all  history,  no  instance  can  be 
found  in  which  an  enterprise  of  this  kind  has  been 
partly  revealed  without  being  completely  defeated. 
Ours  has  met  with  five  unfavorable  incidents,  the 
least  of  which  was  sufficient,  apparently,  to  ruin  it. 
Who  could  have  thought  that  the  affair  of  Spinosa, 
whose  object  was  the  same  as  ours,  would  not  have 
involved  us  in  ruin  ?  that  the  disbanding  of  the  troops 
of  Lievestein,  who  were  entirely  devoted  to  us,  would 
not  have  been  the  means  of  disclosing  our  secret  ? 
that  the  dispersion  of  the  little  fleet  w-ould  not  have 
deranged  all  our  projects  and  exposed  us  to  new  and 
perplexing  inconveniences  f  that  the  discovery  of  the 
plot  at  Crema,  and  of  that  at  Marano,  w^ould  not  have 
led  necessarily  to  the  discovery  of  the  whole  conspi- 
racy ?  And  yet  all  these  incidents  have  had  no  unfa- 
vorable result.       No   one  has    pursued   the    track 


80  CONSPIRACY    OF    THlJ 

which  would  have  led  him  to  us  ;  and  our  enemies 
have  derived  no  advantage  from  the  glimmering 
light  they  afforded.  Never  did  such  profound  re- 
pose precede  an  explosion  so  terrible.  The  senate, 
we  are  positively  assured,  the  senate  sleeps  in  perfect 
security.  Destiny,  auspicious  to  us,  has  blinded  the 
most  penetrating,  encouraged  the  most  timid,  lulled 
the  most  suspicious,  confounded  the  most  subtle. 
We  live  yet,  my  dear  friends,  we  are  even  stronger 
than  before  these  disasters  ;  they  have  served  only 
to  prove  our  firmness.  We  live  ;  and  our  lives  shall 
soon  be  fatal  to  the  tyrants  of  this  city. 

*'  Can  a  success  so  extraordinary,  so  constant,  be 
the  effect  of  natural  causes  ?  May  we  not  presume 
that  it  is  vouchsafed  to  us  by  some  power  that  con- 
trols human  affairs  ?  And  in  truth,  my  companions, 
what  is  there  upon  the  earth  that  is  worthy  the  pro- 
tection of  heaven,  if  our  enterprise  is  not  ?  It  is  our 
purpose  to  overtlirovv  the  most  detestable  of  all  gov- 
ernments ;  to  secure  to  the  poor  subjects  of  this  state 
the  enjoyment  of  their  property,  of  which,  should  we 
not  interfere,  the  avarice  of  the  nobles  would  for- 
ever deprive  them  ;  to  preserve  the  honor  of  every 
female  endowed  with  charms  to  fascinate,  wdio  would 
otherwise  be  subject  to  their  lawless  caprice  ;  to  give 
safety  to  an  infinite  uumber  of  miserable  beings  whom 
their  cruelty  would  sacrifice  for  the  slightest  offences ; 
in  a  word,  to  punish  the  most  guilty  of  men,  blackened 
by  crimes  which  nature  abhors,  and  polluted  by  vices 
which  modesty  dares  not  name. 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE,  81 

"Let  US  not  hesitate,  then,  seizing   the  sword  with 
one  hand  and  the  torch  with  the  other,  to  exterminate 
these  wretches.     And  when    we   see   those    palaces 
where  blasphemy  sits   enthroned,  burning    with   the 
fire  rather  of  heaven   than   of  earth  ;    when   we    see 
those  tribunals  which  are  stained   with    the   tears    of 
the  innocent,  consumed  by   devouring  flames  ;   the 
enraged  soldier  withdrawing  his  bloody   sword    from 
the  bosom  of  the  wicked  ;  death  every  where  pres- 
ent ;  and  the  horrible  spectacles  which,   in  the  dark- 
ness of  night,  the  unbridled  fury  of  soldiers  may  pre- 
sent, let  us  then  remember,  my  friends,  that  no  good 
is  vouchsafed  unmixed  to  man  ;  that  the  most  lauda- 
ble actions  produce  intense  suffering  ;    and,   in    fine, 
that  the  tumult  of  the  approaching  night   is    the   only 
means  of  restoring,  and  forever,  the  reign   of  peace, 
innocence  and  freedom,  in  that  unhappy    city  where 
furious  passions  have  spread  desolation  and   misery." 
This  address  was  heard    by   the    whole    assembly 
with  that  approbation   which  men  generally  entertain 
for  sentiments  congenial  with  their  own.     Neverthe- 
less Renault,  who  observed  the  countenances  of  the 
audience,  remarked  that  Jaffier,  one  of  the  best  friends 
of  the  captain,  hacj,  after  listening  attentively,  sudden- 
ly displayed  extreme  finxiety,  which  he   endeavored 
ill  vain  to  conceal  ;    and  that,  after  the  close    of   the 
address,  there  still  remained   upon    his    countenance 
marks  of  sadness  and  terror,    indicating   emotions    of 
horror.     Renault  spoke  of  it  to  the   captain,    who  at 
first  did  not  think  it  worthy  of  attention  ;  but,  having 


82  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

observed  Jaffier  a  few  moments,  he  began  to  enter- 
tain some  suspicions  and  doubts.  Renault,  who  per- 
fectly understood  the  relations  and  connection  be- 
tween the  most  secret  emotions  and  the  slightest 
outward  signs,  after  further  observation  and  reflec- 
tion, declared  explicitly  to  the  captain,  that,  in  his 
opinion,  Jaffier  was  not  to  be  trusted. 

The  captain,  who  knew  Jaffier  to  be  one  of  the 
bravest  of  men,  pronounced  this  opinion  to  be  unwar- 
ranted and  precipitate  ;  but  Renault,  convinced  of 
its  correctness,  explained  so  forcibly  the  reasons  in 
support  of  it,  that,  if  they  did  not  make  the  same  live- 
ly impression  on  the  mind  of  the  captain,  he  yet 
thought  that  his  conduct  ought  to  be  attentively  ob- 
served. He,  however,  suggested  to  Renault  that, 
even  if  Jaffier  were  wavering,  which  he  could  not  be- 
lieve, there  would  not  be  time,  before  the  evening  of 
the  next  day,  for  him  to  deliberate  and  to  form  the 
resolution  to  betray  them  ;  at  any  rate,  under  present 
circumstances,  it  was  impossible  to  change  their 
measures,  and  they  must  unavoidably  incur  the  haz- 
ard which  he  apprehended,  Renault  replied,  that 
there  was  one  sure  way  of  avoiding  it,  which  was  to 
poniard  Jaffier  that  very  evening.  For  a  short  time, 
the  captain  was  silent ;  at  length  he  observed,  that 
he  could  not  resolve  to  sacrifice  his  best  friend,  on  a 
mere  suspicion  ;  that  this  summary  execution  might 
have  many  injurious  consequences  ;  that  he  feared  it 
would  irritate  and  disaffect  their  companions,  who 
might  imagine  their  leader    claimed   despotic    power 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE,  §3 

over  them,  even  that  of  life  and  death  ;   that  it  would 
be  difficult  to  convince  them  of  the  necessity  of  sac- 
rificing Jaffier  as  clearly   as  they   themselves    felt  it, 
and  every  conspirator,   not  perceiving  it,   would   feel 
that  his  own  life   was  in   danger,    whenever  a  similar 
suspicion  should  enter  into  the  minds  of  their  chiefs  ; 
that  when  the  thoughts  of  men  are  agitated  by  their 
rapid  approach  to  the  execution  of  a  perilous   under- 
taking,  a   mere   trifle   is   sufficient   to    change    their 
course  ;   and  that,  in  such  a  predicament,  the  slight- 
est alteration  is   of  great    importance,    for  none    but 
sudden  and  violent  measures   can  then   be   adopted  ; 
that,  should  Jaffier  be   poniarded,   and  the  manner  in 
which  he  had  disappeared   be  concealed,   it  was  still 
more  to  be  feared  that  his  associates    would   believe 
that  he  had  been  detected,  had  fled,  was    a   prisoner 
or  a  traitor  ;  and  that,  whatever    pretext   should    be 
invented,  his  absence,  when  the  enterprise,    in  which 
so  important  a  part  had  been  assigned  to  him,  was  on 
the  point  of  execution,  must  give  rise  to  discouraging 
reflections. 

While  Renault  was  listening  to  the  discourse  of 
the  captain,  one  of  their  men  came  to  them,  bringing 
an  order  of  the  senate,  which  bed  just  been  received, 
that  all  those  attached  to  the  fleet  should  go  on  board 
the  next  morning.  At  the  same  time,  a  letter  was 
received  from  the  ambassador,  explaining  the  reason 
of  this  order.  The  duke  of  Ossuna  had  not  been 
able  to  leave  Venice  to  join  his  fleet  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  spies  of  the  republic  ;     but  as   he 


84  CONSPIRACY    OF   THE 

had  given  orders  that,  until  a  certain  time,  no  person 
should  be  permitted  to  depart   for  Venice,    and  that 
all   letters  directed  to  that  city   should    be   detained, 
the  Venetians  had  not,  until  this  day,  received  notice 
of  his  departure.     The  archduke,  who  had  just  been 
elected  king  of  Bohemia,  and  a  portion  of  whose  sub- 
jects had  revolted,  had  solicited  his  assistance  against 
the  rebels  ;  and  the  viceroy  having  boasted    that  he 
would  transport  the  troops  intended  for  that  service, 
by  the  w^ay  of  the  gulf,  near  to  the  ports  of  the   arch- 
duke, in  Istria,  the   Venetians  had  desired  this  prince 
to  request  the  viceroy  to  take  another  route.     But  as 
the  reasons  which  govern  other  men  had  no  influence 
with  him,  they  did  not  doubt,   when  they   heard   he 
had  set  sail,  that  his  purpose  was  to  conduct  the  troops 
himself,  by  the  route  he   had    mentioned.     As    they 
wished  to  avoid   an  open   rupture,  they  did  not,  as 
they  might,  obstruct  his  passage  ;   but  determined  to 
send  their  fleet  to  the  coasts  of  Istria,   to   observe    his 
motions,  and  protect  their  maritime  possessions  from 
any  attack  which  he  might  be  tempted  to  make. 

The  firmest  resolutions  of  men  result  generally  from 
a  strong  conception  of  the  danger  which  they  have  re- 
solved to  encounter.  By  the  constant  contemplation 
of  this  danger,  the  mind  becomes  familiar  w^ith  it,  and 
with  all  the  circumstances  that  attend  it,  however  ter- 
rible they  may  be  ;  but  this  firmness  of  resolution  is 
so  connected  and  interwoven  with  these  circumstan- 
ces, that,  if  a  change  in  any  one  of  them  should  hap- 
pen, on  the  point  of  execution,   there   is  great  dan- 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST   VENICE.  85 

ger  that  the  resolution,  however  firm  before,  should 
also  change. 

Such  an  effect  Renault  and  the  captain  apprehend- 
ed might  be  produced  upon  their  associates,    by    the 
unexpected  order  for  the  fleet  to  sail,  of  which  they 
bad  just  received  information.     The  news  distressed 
them  exceedingly,   for  they  supposed,    at    first,  that 
they   should    be   compelled,    however    unpleasant  it 
might  be,  to  make  some  change  in  the  plan   of  exe- 
cution, which  had   been   agreed   on.      This   plan,   it 
was  evident,  could  not  be  executed  immediately,   for 
the  night  was  already   far   advanced,    and    day  light 
would  appear  before  the  squadron  under  Haiilot  could 
be  brought  within  cannon  shot  of  Venice,   and  before 
the  troops  at  the  lazaretto  could  be  sent  for.     Neither 
could  it  be    executed    the  next   day,   for    if  Haiilot 
should  then  be    directed    to  come  up  to  the  city,    he 
would    inevitably  meet   people    on    their  way  to  the 
fleet,  which  was  about  to  set  sail.     The  departure  of 
the  fleet  was,   in  fact,  an  event  more  favorable  to  the 
conspirators  than  any  they  could   have  wished    for  ; 
Haiilot  would  be  left  master  of  the  port ;   and   there- 
fore, all  things  considered,  they  determined  to    defer 
the  execution  of  their   design,    until   some  time  after 
it  had  sailed. 

The  greatest  difficulty  was,  to  decide  whether  the 
captain,  Langlade,  the  three  petardiers,  and  the  oth- 
er conspirators,  who  were  attached  to  the  fleet,  should 
obey  the  orders  of  the  senate.  It  seemed  necessary 
that  they,  and  particularly  the  captain,  should  remain 
8 


B6 


CONSPIRACY    OP    THE 


at  Venice  ;  yet  he,  of  all  of  them,  could  least  avoid 
obeying.  The  important  command,  which  he  held 
in  the  fleet,  would  cause  his  absence  to  be  remarked 
more  than  that  of  all  the  rest.  As  most  of  them 
were  attached  to  his  vessels,  he  might,  if  present,  by 
substituting  others,  prevent  their  absence  from  being 
noticed.  It  was  therefore  determined  that  he  should 
go»  accompanied  by  Langlade  alone,  who,  as  well  as 
the  three  petardiers,  acted  under  the  immediate  or- 
ders of  the  admiral ;  but,  as  to  the  petardiers,  the 
conspirators  preferred  to  hazard  every  thing  rather 
than  suffer  them  to  depart.  The  admiral,  when  he 
first  saw  the  captain,  made  enquiries  concerning 
them  ;  and  the  captain  replied  that  he  believed  that 
they,  and  other  ofScers  belonging  to  his  vessels, 
whom  he  could  not  find,  were  concealed  at  the  houses 
of  courtesans,  and  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  leave 
Venice  in  such  haste  that  he  had  no  time  to  make 
search  for  them.  The  admiral's  orders  to  set  sail 
were  so  peremptory,  and  his  time  so  much  occupied, 
that  he  could  neither  despatch  men  to  look  for  ihem, 
nor  wait  until  they  could  be  found. 

Before  he  embarked,  the  captain  took  Jaffier  aside, 
and  requested  him  to  take  his  place  by  the  side  of 
Renault,  on  the  night  of  the  execution  of  the  enter- 
prise. He  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  confidence 
they  reposed  in  his  courage  and  address  ;  he  assured 
him  that,  were  it  not  for  this,  he  should  never  have 
,  consented  to  go  on  board  the  fleet ;  but  as  Jaflier 
was  to  remain,  he  felt  certain  that  he    should   leave 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  87 

with  his  associates  a  man  equal  at  least  to  himself. 
During  this  conversation,  the  captain  observed  him 
attentively  ;  and  he,  affected  by  these  expressions  of 
esteem  and  confidence,  gave,  in  his  reply,  such  assu- 
rances of  zeal,  fidelity  and  gratitude  as  would  have 
removed  all  doubt  from  the  most  suspicious  of  men. 
This  was  the  last  struggle  of  his  expiring  firmness, 
which  ceased  to  exist  when  his  friend  disappeared. 
Having  no  longer  before  his  eyes  the  only  man  who 
had  influence  over  him,  he  abandoned  himself  entire- 
ly to  his  irresolution. 

The  description  which  Renault,  at  the  close  of  his 
address,  had  given  of  the  night  of  the  execution,  had 
affected  him  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  could   not  re- 
press his  emotions  of  pity.    His  imagination  rendered 
the  picture  more  vivid.     It  presented  to  him,   in   the 
liveliest  colors,    the  injustice  and  the   cruelties,  that, 
on    such  occasions,  must   inevitably  be   committed. 
From  that  moment,  he  heard  nothing  but    the  cries 
of  children  trodden  to  death,  the   groans   of  old  men 
slaughtered,  and  the  shrieks   of  women   dishonored. 
He  saw  only  palaces  demolished,  temples  on  fire,  sa- 
cred places  polluted  with  blood.     Venice,  sorrowing, 
miserable  Venice,  was  constantly  before  his  eyes,  not, 
as  formerly,  triumphant  over    Ottoman    fortune    and 
Spanish  haughtiness,  but  in  ashes,   or  in   chains,  and 
immersed  in  the  blood  of  her  inhabitants   more   than 
in  the  waters  that  surrounded  her. 

This  horrible  image  besieges  him  night  and   day, 
pursues,   oppresses,  shocks  him.     In  vain    does   he 


88  CONSPIRACY    OP    THE 

Strive  to  dismiss  it  from  view.     More   obstinate   than 
the  furies  of  fable,  it  stands  before  him,   at   every  re- 
past ;  it  disturbs  his   slumbers,   it    mingles   with    his 
dreams. — But,  to  betray  all  his   friends  !     and   such 
friends  !  courageous,  intelligent,  each  in  his  peculiar 
faculty  surpassing  all  others;  centuries  must  pass  be- 
fore again  such  a  number  of  extraordinary  men  could 
be -united  in  one  undertaking.     Could  he,  at  the  mo- 
ment which  was  to  render  them  memorable    forever, 
snatch  from  them  the  fruit,  then  ready  to   be  gather- 
ed, of  the  grandest  design  ever  contrived  by  a  private 
individual?  And  how  would  they  perish.'^  In  torments 
more  ingenious  and  more  terrible  than  the  tyrants   of 
barbarous  ages  had  ever  invented.     Who  knows   not 
that  there  is,  in  Venice,  a  prison  more  capable  of  an- 
nihilating the  firmness  of  a  man  of  courage   than   the 
most  frightful  punishments  of  other  countries  f  These 
last  reflections,  operating  upon   the  amiable  weakness 
of  Jaffier,  strengthened  his  first  resolutions.    The  pity 
be  felt  for  his  companions    became    as    powerful    as 
that  which  the  ruin  of  Venice  excited  ;    and  he  con- 
tinued   irresolute    until    the   feast    of  Ascension,    to 
which  time  the  execution  of  the  enterprise  had  been 
deferred. 

The  next  morning  they  received  news  from  the 
captain.  He  sent  word  that  he  would  answer  for  the 
fleet  ;  that  it  would  sail  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Ma- 
rano  ;  that,  when  they  sent  to  the  lazaretto  for  the 
troops  of  Lievestein,  they  must  also  despatch  a  boat 
to  give  him  notice  ;    and  that  on  receiving  this  notice,. 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    TENICE.  89 

he  would  begin  lo  act  in  his  department.  The  pilots, 
which  had  been  promised,  were  sent  to  Haillot.  Men, 
suborned  for  the  purpose,  and  intimate  with  those 
who  kept  guard  in  the  Procuracy  of  St.  Marks,  were 
introduced  into  the  belfry,  or  tower,  where  the  guard 
were  stationed  ;  and,  by  means  of  drugs  mixed  with 
their  liquor,  which  they  were  persuaded  to  drink  to 
excess  on  account  of  the  public  rejoicings  of  the  day, 
stupified  their  faculties  and  caused  them  to  sleep  pro- 
foundly. Certain  officers  were  ordered  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  houses  of  the  senators  most  to  be  fear- 
ed, and  to  kill  them.  The  house  which  each  was  to 
attack  was  designated,  and  to  each  of  the  other  offi- 
cers, or  chiefs,  a  particular  duty  was  assigned.  Each 
was  instructed  what  number  of  men  he  was  to  com- 
mand, where  he  would  find  them,  the  word  by  which 
he  would  know  them,  and  the  route  by  which  he 
was  to  conduct  them.  The  troops  at  the  lazaretto, 
the  Spaniards  belonging  to  the  squadron,  the  thou- 
sand Hollanders  yet  remaining  in  Venice,  were  also 
told  in  what  direction  they  were  to  leave  the  square 
of  St.  Marks  which  was  the  general  rendezvous,  the 
posts  they  were  to  seize,  the  officers  appointed  to 
command  them,  and  the  word  by  which  each  might 
be  recognised.  Men,  not  liable  to  suspicion,  were 
sent  to  examine  the  council  barge,  and  others  ascer- 
tained that  the  artillery  was  in  complete  order. 

Jaffier  had  the  curiosity  to  witness  the  ceremony 
of  the  doge  espousing  the  sea,  it  being  the  last  time 
that  ceremony  was  to  be  performed.      The    sight  of 


90  CONSPIRACY    OF   THE 

the  public  festivities  redoubled  his  compassion  ;  the 
tranquil  enjoyments  of  the  devoted  Venetians  present- 
ed to  his  mind,  in  still  stronger  colors,  their  ap- 
proaching desolation  ;  and  he  returned  from  the 
scene  more  irresolute  than  ever.  In  fine,  Heaven 
decreed  that  the  work  of  twelve  centuries,  and  many 
wise  patriots,  should  not  be  abandoned  to  the  fury  of 
a  courtesan,  and  of  a  band  of  desperate  zealots. 

The  guardian  genius  of  the  republic    suggested   to 
Jaffier  an  expedient  by  which,    as    he    imagined,    he 
might,  at  the  same  time,  save  Venice  and  his  compan- 
ions.     He  went  to  Bartholomew   Comino,   secretary 
of  the  council  often,  and  told  him  that  he  had  some- 
thing to  reveal,  which  was  of  great  importance  to  the 
safety  of  the  republic ;  but  he  required,  as  a  previous 
and  indispensable  condition,  that  the  doge   and   the 
council  should  promise  him  a  favor,  and  engage,   by 
the  most  sacred  oalhs,  that  their  promise   should    be 
ratified  by  the  senate  ;   that  this  favor  was  the  lives  of 
twenty-two  persons  whom  he  would  name,    whatever 
crime  they  might  have  committed  ;    and   he    assured 
him  that  they  need  not  hope,    without   granting   this 
favor,  to  force  his  secret  from   him,  for    no   tortures, 
however  horrible,   could    oblige  him  to  utter  a  word. 
The  Ten  and  the   doge    were  instantly   assembled  ; 
they  did  not  hesitate  to  make  the  promise  exacted  by 
Jaffier ;   and  he,    well   satisfied    with  the    course   he 
was  pursuing,  disclosed  to  them  the  whole  conspiracy. 
The  disclosure  appeared  to  them  so  incredible  and 
so  horrible,  that  they  could  not  believe    it.     Never- 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  91 

theless,  as  it  was  easy   to    ascertain   the    truth,   they 
despatched  Comino  to  the  belfry  of  the  Procuracy. 
He  returned  with  intelligence  that  all  the  guard  were 
intoxicated   or    asleep.     He  was  then  sent  to  the  ar- 
senal.     He  sought  a  long  time  for   the    officers ;   but 
at  length  a  servant,   terrified  by  his    threats,    showed 
him  a  small  door,  which,   after  knocking  in  vain  sev- 
eral times,  he  forced  open.     He  found  them  with  the 
three  petardiers,  who  were  engaged  in   finishing   the 
fire-works  to  be  used  by  the  conspirators.     He  ask- 
ed them  what  induced  them  to  labor  on   such  a  day 
of  rejoicing,  and  why  they   did   not    open    the    door 
when  he  knocked.     They   replied,    with  much  inge- 
nuity, that  the  petardiers  were  obliged  to  set  out,  the 
next  day,  to  join  the  fleet ;  that  the   admiral  had  or- 
dered them  to  carry  on  board  a  quantity  of  fire-works 
ready  for  use  ;  that,  not  having  so  many  prepared  as 
he  required,  they  had  requested  the  others  to   assist 
them  ;  that  as  it  might  be  of  great    importance   that 
the  fire-works  should  be  finished,  they  thought  it  their 
duty  to  abstain  from  partaking  of  the  public   festivi- 
ties ;  and  that,  to  avoid  scandal,  they  had  shut  them- 
selves up,  as  he  had  found  them,  in  the  most  private 
apartment  of  the  arsenal.     To   this   answer    Comino 
could  make  no  reply,  but  he  arrested  them. 

The  Ten,  more  and  more  alarmed,  sent  immedi- 
ately to  the  residence  of  the  Greek  courtesan,  but 
there  they  found  no  one.  The  men  who  had  admin- 
istered opiates  to  the  guard  in  the  belfry,  had,  when 
Comino  entered,  feigned  to  be  asleep  like  the  others ; 


92  CONSPIRACY    OP    THE 

but  the  instant  he  departed,  they  hastened  to  her 
house,  and  gave  the  alarm.  Without  losing  a  mo- 
ment, Nolot,  Robert,  Revellido,  Villa-mezzana,  Du- 
rand,  Ternon,  and  Robert  Brulard,  who  happened  to 
be  there,  leaped  into  one  of  the  boats,  which  had 
been  procured  to  bring  the  troops  from  the  lazaretto, 
and  fled  safely  from  Venice. 

Chagrined  at  their  escape,  the  Council  resolved 
to  visit  immediately  the  houses  of  the  ambassadors  of 
France  and  Spain.  Entrance  was  civilly  demanded, 
on  business  which  concerned  the  safety  of  the  repub- 
lic. The  French  ambassador  cheerfully  admitted 
them  ;  and  Renault,  Laurent  Brulard,  and  de  Bribe 
were  arrested.  But  the  Spanish  ambassador  angrily 
refused.  He  claimed  all  the  privileges  of  his  station, 
and  when  they  entered  forcibly  he  protested  with 
spirit  against  the  violence  they  committed.  They 
found  in  his  house  arms  for  more  than  five  hundred 
men,  sixty  petards,  an  immense  quantity  of  powder, 
artificial  fire-works,  and  other  things  of  a  similar  na- 
ture. Of  all  an  exact  inventory  was  taken  which  he 
sportingly  and  jeeringly  assisted  to  draw  up. 

Before  this  inventory  was  transmitted  to  the  coun- 
cil, a  nobleman  of  the  house  of  Valiera  arrived  with 
Brainville  and  Theodore,  two  of  the  principal  conspi- 
rators. They  had  just  heard  that  all  was  discovered  ; 
and  that  the  gates  of  the  city  had  been  closed  imme- 
diately after  the  flight  of  the  courtesan.  Having, 
therefore,  no  hope  of  escape,  they  resolved  to  display 
their  willingness  to  reveal  the  conspiracy,  and  waited 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  93 

upon  this  nobleman,  whom  they  had  known  in  Flan- 
ders, and  desired  him  to  conduct  them  to  the  council 
often,  where  they  were  arrested.  In  the  meantime, 
all  the  boarding  houses,  taverns,  houses  of  ill  fame, 
and  other  places  where  foreigners  would  be  likely  to 
conceal  themselves,  were  visited  ;  and  all  the  Dutch, 
French,  Spanish,  Walloon,  Neapolitan,  and  Milanese 
officers  were  arrested,  amounting,  in  the  whole,  to 
near  five  hundred. 

In  the  midst  of  these  occurrences,  two  Dauphinese, 
coming  from  Orange,  presented  themselves  to  the 
council,  in  boots,  as  they  leaped  from  the  boats  that 
brought  them.  They  declared  that,  having  received 
letters  from  Frenchmen  in  Venice,  stating  that,  if 
they  wished  to  enrich  themselves,  they  had  nothing 
to  do  but  to  come  to  the  city  immediately,  for  a  con- 
spiracy had  been  formed,  and  was  just  ready  to  be 
executed,  to  get  possession  of  the  city,  and  give  it  up 
to  pillage,  they  had  come  in  great  haste,  to  give  infor- 
mation of  the  plot.  They  received  the  thanks  of  the. 
council,  were  conducted  to  convenient  lodgings,  and 
desired  to  repose  themselves  until  the  senate  could 
determine  what  recompense  was  due  to  them. 

In  the  morning,  the  senate  assembled,  and  the  mar- 
quis of  Bedmar  demanded  an  audience.  It  was 
granted  merely  fron^  curiosity.  The  report  of  the 
conspiracy  had  spread  through  the  city,  and  produced 
a  frightful  agitation.  The  people,  who  had  heard 
that  the  Spaniards  were  the  authors  of  it,  collected 
around  the  house  of  the  ambassador,    determined  to 


94  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

enter  it  by  force  ;  and  they  were  about  to  set  fire  to 
it,  when  the  persons  arrived  who  were  to  conduct  him 
to  the  audience.  The  orders  they  had  received  be- 
ing announced,  the  people,  presuming  the  senate 
would  inflict  an  exemplary  punishment,  permitted 
him  to  leave  his  house,  but  followed,  loading  him  with 
reproaches  and  imprecations. 

The  ambassador,  entering  the  Senate,  began  by 
complaining  indignantly  against  the  violence  which 
had  been  committed  in  his  house  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  nations;  and  he  threatened  so  fiercely  to  be  re- 
venged, that  he  frightened  most  of  the  senators,  who 
feared  that  this  man  still  had  means,  with  which  they 
were  unacquainted,  to  accomplish  his  enterprise. 
The  doge  answered  that  they  would  apologise  to  him 
for  this  outrage  when  he,  who,  being  an  ambassador, 
ought  to  be  a  minister  of  peace,  had  given  some  ac- 
count of  the  provisions  and  munitions  of  war,  which 
had  been  discovered  at  his  house.  He  replied  that 
he  was  astonished  that  men,  who  had  the  reputation 
of  men  of  sense,  should  be  so  disingenuous  as  to  in- 
sult him  to  his  face  upon  a  pretext  so  gross  ;  that 
they  knew,  as  well  as  he^  that  the  provisions  were 
merely  deposited  in  his  house  for  safe  keeping,  as 
others  before  had  been,  to  be  sent  to  Naples  and  the 
Tyrol  ;  that,  in  regard  to  the  arms,  the  whole  world 
knew  that  none  were  so  excellent  as  those  made  in 
the  cities  of  the  republic  ;  and,  as  to  the  fire-works, 
and  other  similar  things,  certain  artists  of  extraordi- 
nary skill  having  offered  him  their  services,  he  had 
employed  them  to  gratify  his  curiosity. 


SPANIARDS  AGAINST  VENICE.  95 

The  doge  interrunted  him,  declaring  that  these 
artists  were  wretches,  or  rather  monsters,  born  for  the 
eternal  disgrace  of  mankind  ;  and  presented  to  him  a 
letter  of  credit  for  the  governor  of  Milan,  which,  with 
other  letters  from  the  duke  of  Ossuna,  had  been  found 
among  the  papers  of  Renault. 

The  ambassador  answered  that,  as  to  the  duke  of 
Ossuna,  he  had  already  declared  that  he  had  no  con- 
nection with  him,  and  was  not  responsible  for  his  con- 
duct ;  that,  as  to  the  letter  of  credit,  it  was  true  that 
the  French  ambassador  had,  a  short  time  ago,  recom- 
mended to  him  a  gentleman  who,  having  business  of 
his  own  at  Milan,  was  in  need  of  assistance,  and  he 
had  given  him  the  letter  which  had  just  been  shown 
to  him  ;  but  he  was  entirely  ignorant  that  the  busi- 
ness of  this  gentleman  had  the  shghtest  connection 
with  the  interests  or  welfare  of  the  republic. 

The  doge,  perceiving  from  these  answers  that  the 
assurance  of  the  ambassador  would  nevef  fail  him, 
contented  himself  with  representing  to  him,  in  a  sol- 
emn and  dignified  manner,  the  atrociousness  of  his 
design,  and  concluded  by  declaring  that  they  had  not 
the  slightest  suspicion  that  he  acted  with  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  king  his  master.  The  ambassador  reph- 
ed,  with  all  the  indignant  earnestness  of  a  highmind- 
ed  man,  when  his  honor  is  unjustly  attacked,  that  he 
belonged  to  a  nation,  so  distinguished  for  valor  and 
prudence,  that  it  need  not  have  recourse  to  dishon- 
orable acts  to  destroy  its  enemies  ;  that  the  king  his 
master  was  sufficiently  powerful,  as  they  would  soon 


96 


CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 


find,  to  vanquish  them,  by  open   force,    without    re- 
sorting to  treachery.     He   then    hastily   and    without 
ceremony  left  the  hall.    Those  who  attended  him  be- 
sought iiim  to  repose  himself,  a  short  time,  in  an  ad- 
joining apartment,  until  the  senate  should   have  given 
the  necessary  order  for  his  protection  ;    and  he  per- 
mitted   them  to    conduct  him    where   they     thought 
proper,  making  no  reply,  and  trembling  with  passion. 
While  the   populace   were  gathering  in  the  square, 
with  the  intent  to  tear  him  in  pieces   as    soon    as   the 
senate  had    dismissed  him,    a  few  persons  were  des- 
patched to  his  house,  who  directed  his   family   to   go 
on  board  a  vessel  in  the  harbor,  and  conveyed  thither 
his  most  valuable  furniture.      They  then,  returning  to 
him,  conducted  him  through    secret    passages  in    the 
palace  to  a  brigantine  well  armed  and  defended  by  a 
strong  escort.     The  populace,  enraged  at  his  escape, 
made  an  effigy  of  him  and   of  the   duke   of  Ossuna, 
and  treated   them  in  the  same    manner  they  would 
have  treated  their  persons  had    they   fallen  into  their 
hands. 

Orders,  at  the  same  time,  were  sent  to  the  admiral 
to  cause  Langlade,  the  captain  James  Pierre,  and  all 
his  confidential  officers,  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea.  As 
it  was  supposed  that  they  would  be  on  their  guard,  a 
vessel  of  a  shape  and  appearance  the  most  uncommon 
in  Venice,  was  selected  to  carry  this  order;  she  was 
equipped  like  a  foreign  vessel,  and  made  a  long  cir- 
cuit that  she  might  approach  the  fleet  in  a  direction 
different  from  that  in  which  she  would  naturally  have 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  97 

come,  had  she  sailed  from  the  city.  It  was  afterwards 
known  that  the  captain  had  been  all  night  on  the 
watch,  and  that,  having  seen  this  vessel  arrive,  he 
immediately  repaired  to  his  principal  ship,  as  if  he 
had  apprehended  the  truth,  and  had  resolved  to  make 
preparations  to  defend  himself  in  case  he  was  betray- 
ed. But  probably  the  fear  of  ruining  his  enterprise, 
by  an  apprehension  which  might  be  groundless,  kept 
him  some  time  in  deliberation  what  course  to  pursue  ; 
for  the  admiral,  who  lost  not  a  moment,  sent  two  men 
on  whom  he  could  rely,  who,  concealing  their  arms, 
boarded  his  vessel  and  finding  him  alone,  accosted 
him  with  their  usual  frankness,  stabbed  him  instantly 
and  cast  him  into  the  sea,  without  being  seen  by  any 
one.  Langlade  and  forty  of  his  officers  were  treated 
in  the  same  manner  and  with  the  same  secrecy. 

Renault,  when  interrogated  at  Venice,  replied  that 
he  knew  nothing  in  relation  to  the  enquiries  made  of 
him.  They  showed  him  the  letter  of  credit  for  don 
Pedro,  a  passport  in  Spanish  for  all  the  dependencies 
of  Spain,  bills  of  exchange  for  large  sums,  and  a 
thousand  pistoles  in  gold.  He  answered  that  he  was 
not  acquainted,  either  whh  the  Spanish  ambassador  or 
the  governor  of  Milan  ;  that^  therefore,  if  any  thing, 
which  had  reference  to  them,  had  been  found  among 
his  papers,  it  must  have  been  placed  there  by  oth- 
ers ;  and  that,  in  regard  to  the  bills  of  exchange 
and  the  gold,  they  were  all  the  property  he  had  in  the 
world.  He  was  put  to  the  torture  ordinary  and  extra- 
ordinary ;  but  he  said  nothing  further,  except  that  he 
9 


98  CONSPIRACY    OF    THE 

was  a  poor  old  man,  honest,  noble,  and  honorable, 
and  God  would  avenge  him.  On  several  successive 
days,  the  instruments  of  torture  were  displayed  be- 
fore him,  and  he  was  even  promised  impunity  if  he 
would  relate  all  he  knew,  but  in  vain  :  and,  after 
having,  at  different  times,  been  tortured  in  every 
mode  that  could  be  devised,  he  was  strangled  in  pris- 
on, and  hung  up  in  public,  by  one  of  his  feet,  as  a 
traitor.  The  lieutenant  of  the  count  of  Nassau,  the 
three  petardiers,  Bribe,  Laurent  Brulard,  and  the  two 
officers  of  the  arsenal,  were  also  strangled,  after  hav- 
ing endured  the  torture  with  equal  constancy  ;  but 
Brainville,  Theodore,  and  upwards  of  three  hundred 
officers  were,  without  suffering  the  torture,  privately 
strangled  or  drowned. 

In  the  meantime  Jaffier,  rendered  miserable  by  the 
cruel  effects  of  his  compassion,  complained  loudly 
that  the  doge  and  the  council  had  not  kept  the  prom- 
ise they  had  made  him  in  favor  of  his  companions. 
This  promise  had  not  been  violated  until  after  mature 
consideration.  Many,  in  fact,  were  of  opinion  that  it 
oug[)t  to  be  religiously  observed.  Others  represent- 
ed that  the  question  might  have  been  a  doubtful  one, 
had  a  knowledge  of  the  conspiracy  been  obtained 
from  Jaffier  only,  but  the  two  Dauphinese,  who  had 
also  disclosed  it,  invested  the  senate  with  full  right  to 
act  as  though  Jaffier  had  disclosed  nothing.  This 
opinion,  supported  by  the  general  horror  and  conster- 
nation, was  adopted  by  the  majority,  although  manjr 
arguments  might  have  been  advanced  agaiiist  it. 


SPANIARDS    AGAINST    VENICE.  99 

To  appease  Jaffier,  every  expedient  was  resorted  to. 
He  was  urged  to  accept  of  money  and  employment. 
He  refused  every  thing,  and  persisted  in  demanding, 
though  in  vain,  the  lives  of  his  friends  ;  and  after  their 
execution  he  left  Venice  inconsolable.      The  senate, 
when  informed  of  his  departure,  sent  him  an  order  to 
quit  the  territories  of  the  republic,  in  three  days,  un- 
der pain  of  death,  and  four  thousand  sequins,  which 
he  was  compelled  to  receive.      The    pity   which   he 
felt  for  his  friends  redoubled  whenever  he  reflected 
that  he  had  been  the  cause  of  their  death.    He  ascer- 
tained, after  leaving  the  city,  that  the  enterprise  against 
Brescia  might  yet  be  prosecuted  successfully.     His 
desire  of  vengeance  impelled  him  to  throw  himself  in- 
to that  city.     But  he  had  scarcely  entered   it,   when 
the  ten,  having  gained  knowledge  of  the  project  from 
the  papers  of  the  conspirators^  despatched  thither  a 
body  of  troops,  who  took  possession  of  the   principal 
posts,  and  put  to  the  sword  several  Spaniards  who  had 
been  admitted  within   the   walls.     Jaffier  was    taken 
fighting  at  their  head  like  a  man  who  sought  only  to 
sell  his  life  dearly  ;  and  being  brought  to  Venice,   a 
few  days  afterwards,  was  drowned  the  next  day  after 
his  arrivals 

The  death  of  this  miserable  man  having  restored 
tranquillity  to  this  great  city,  the  senate  immediately 
demanded  another  minister  from  Madrid.  Don  Louis 
Bravo  was  appointed,  and  received  orders  to  depart 
instantly  for  Venice;  and  the  marquis  of  Bedmar,  acr 
cording  to  custom,  gave  him  instructions  for  his  guid- 


100  CONSPIRACY,    &C. 

ance,  which  were   almost  wholly  comprised  in  two 
particulars. 

The  first  was,  that  the  new  ambassador  should,  on 
every  occasion,  loudly  and  explicitly  censure  the  con- 
duct of  his  predecessor,  and  should  take  pains,  even  in 
the  most  trivial  matters,  to  exhibit  a  totally  different 
demeanor.  The  other  was,  that,  in  all  his  negotia- 
tions concerning  the  rights  and  pretensions  of  the  re- 
public, he  should  consuh,  as  his  only  guide,  the  Squit-- 
iinio  della  Liherta  Veneta,  to  which  the  marquis  oft- 
en refers,  in  terms  which,  though  cautiously  expres- 
sed, discover  his  paternal  affection  for  this  work. 

In  the  meantime,  proclamation  was  made,  in  all  the 
dependencies  of  the  republic,  that  no  one,  under  pain 
of  death,  should  impute  to  the  king  of  Spain,  nor  to 
the  Spaniards,  any  participation  in  the  conspiracy  ; 
and  thirty  thousand  ducats  were  given  to  the  two 
Dauphinesej  who  had  come  from  their  native  country 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  revealing  it. 

Don  Pedro,  perceiving  all  hope  at  an  end,  dismis- 
sed his  troops  and  restored  Vercelli,  The  duke  of 
Ossuna  made  ample  provision  for  the  wife  and  chil- 
dren of  the  captain  and  released  them  from  prison. 

The  marquis  of  Bedmar  was  appointed  first  minis- 
ter in  Flanders  ;  and,  a  short  time  afterwards,  receive 
ed,  from  Rome,  a  cardinal's  hat. 


CONSPIRACY 


JOHN  LEWIS  FIESCO 


GENOA. 


NOTE. 


The  history  of  the  Conspiracy  of  John  Lewis  Fies- 
CO  against  Genoa  was  written,  in  his  youth,  by  the  cel- 
ebrated cardinal  De  Retz.  It  displays  such  high  admi- 
ration of  Fiesco  and  his  enterprise,  that,  on  perusing  it, 
cardinal  Richelieu,  then  first  minister  of  France,  pre- 
dicted that  the  young  ecclesiastic  would  be  a  turbu- 
lent and  dangerous  character.  It  is  well  known  that 
afterwards,  when  archbishop  of  Paris,  he  acted  a 
conspicuous  part  in  the  insurrection  of  the  Fronde, 
The  reflections  interspersed  are  characteristic  of  the 
author,  and  prove  that  he  must  at  least  have  retouch- 
ed it,  after  his  judgment  had  been  matured  by  ex- 
perience. 


CONSPIRACY, 


At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1547,   the    condition 
of  the  republic  of  Genoa  might  have  been  called  for- 
tunate,  had  it  been   more  firmly    established.     She 
enjoyed,  in  appearance,  an  honorable  tranquillity,  ob- 
tained by  her  own   arms,  and  secured    by  those   of 
Charles  V,  whom  she  had  chosen    protector   of  her 
liberties.     The  weakness  of  her  enemies  relieved  her 
from  all  fear  of  their  ambitious  designs  ;    and    peace 
brought  back  into  her  borders  that  abundance  which 
war  had  for  a  long  time  banished  ;  her  trade  revived 
to  the  visible  advantage  of  the  pubhc  and  of  individu- 
als ;    and,  had  her  citizens  been  as  contented  as  their 
condition  w^as  fortunate,  this  republic,  in  a  short  time, 
would,  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  profitable  and  happy  re- 
pose, have  recovered  all  she  had  lost.     But  divisions 
still  existed  among  them,  and   the    seeds    of  hatred, 
which  previous  quarrels   had    sown    in  their  hearts, 
were  dangerous  relics,  evincing  too  plainly   that  the 
body  politic  was  not  yet  relieved  from   its   maladies  5 
and  that  its  indications  of  prosperity  resembled    the? 


106 


CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 


apparent  health  of  bloated  countenances,  in  whose 
flesh  fester  a  multitude  of  peccant  humors.  The  no- 
bility, who  administered  the  government,  could  not 
forget  the  injuries  which,  when  banished  from  power, 
they  had  received  from  the  people.  The  people,  on 
their  part,  regarded  the  domination  of  the  nobility, 
as  a  new  tyranny,  subversive  of  the  constitution  of 
the  republic.  A  portion  even  of  the  gentlemen,  who 
aspired  to  a  higher  rank,  did  not  disguise  their  envy 
of  those  above  them.  Those  in  authority  ruled  with 
insolence  ;  those  in  subjection  obeyed  with  indigna- 
tion ;  and  many  imagined  they  obeyed  because  they 
could  not  rule  with  absolute  sway.  At  this  period, 
by  the  permission  of  Providence,  an  event  occurred 
which,  at  once,  confined  forever  the  nobility  in  power 
and  the  people  in  servitude. 

This  event  was  the  conspiracy  of  John  Lewis  Fies- 
CO,  count  of  Lavagna,  a  history  of  which  will  be  ven^ 
dered  more  intelligible  and  interesting  by  a  relation 
of  the  events  and  circumstances  which  preceded  and 
occasioned  it. 

At  the  time  of  those  memorable  wars,  in  which  the 
emperor,  Charles  V,  and  Francis  I,  of  France,  deso- 
lated Italy,  Andrew  Doria,  descended  from  one  of 
the  most  illustrious  families  of  Genoa,  and  the  great- 
est naval  commander  of  the  age,  supported  with  zeal 
the  cause  of  France,  and  sustained  upon  the  sea  the 
reputation  of  that  crown,  with  a  courage  and  good 
fortune,  which  redounded  as  much  to  the  advantage 
of  his  master  as  to  his  individual  glory.      But    it   is 


AGAINST    GENOA.  107 

frequently  the  fault  of  the  greatest  princes,  that  they 
do  not  treat  with  sufficient  regard  the  nien  they  em- 
ploy, when  they  once  consider  themselves  sure  of 
their  fidelity.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  France  lost 
the  services  of  an  able  and  important  officer,  and  the 
loss  produced  such  disastrous  consequences  that  it 
will  never  be  recollected  without  sorrow. 

At  the  time  when  Doria  was  engaged,  on  terms 
highly  advantageous  to  him,  in  the  service  of  the 
king,  as  admiral  of  his  gallies,  those  who  were  high  in 
favor  at  courts  and  filled  the  principal  seats  in  the 
councils  of  the  kingdom,  began  to  envy  his  glory,  and 
to  covet  his  station  ;  and  they  resolved  to  ruin  the 
man  whom  they  saw  too  powerful  to  court  the  favor 
of  any  one  but  his  master.  Knowing  that  it  would 
not,  at  first,  be  either  safe,  or  useful  to  their  design, 
to  speak  of  him  unfavorably  to  the  king,  whose  friend- 
ship was  too  strong  to  be  suddenly  changed  to  enmi- 
ty, they  pursued  a  more  artful  course  ;  and,  uniting 
with  the  public  in  applauding  the  first  services  that 
he  rendered  to  France,  they  resolved  to  give  him 
causes  of  dissatisfaction,  which  might  be  attributed  to 
the  necessities  of  the  nation  rather  than  to  their  par- 
ticular enmity,  and  which  would,  nevertheless,  pro- 
duce the  effect  they  desired.  They  sought  opportu- 
nities of  eliciting  complaints  from  this  proud  and  arro- 
gant hero,  that  they  might  the  more  easily  ruin  him 
in  the  opinion  of  the  king  ;  and  his  own  affairs  were 
so  often  discussed  in  the  council,  that  they,  enjoying 
unlimited  influence  there,  found    too   many  occasions 


108  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIEflCO 

of  displeasing  him.     Sometimes  the  finances  were  too 
much  exhausted  to  pay  his  exorbitant  salary  ;    some- 
times they   paid   him  in  depreciated    paper ;    some- 
times his  demands  were  decided  to  be   unreasonable 
and    unjust.     At  length   the    remonstrances,    drawn 
from  him  by  the  wrongs  he  sustained,   were,  by   the 
artifices  of  his  enemies,  represented   as  disrespectful 
to  the  king,  who  became  weary  and  dissatisfied,  and 
was,  by  degrees,  induced  to   consider  him  a   selfish, 
insolent,  and  intractable  man.     At  last,    they   openly 
offended  him,  by  refusing  to  pay  him   the   ransom  of 
his  prisoner,  the  prince  of  Orange,  whom  his  nephew, 
Phihppin  Doria,  had  taken  before  Naples,  and  whom, 
upon  the  order  of  the  king,  he  had  delivered  into  his 
hands.     They  demanded,  and  enforced  their  demand 
with  threats,  that  he  should  also  deliver  up  the  mar- 
quis del  Guasto  and  Ascanio  Colonna,  who  had  been 
made  prisoners  in  the  same  battle.     They  neglected 
to  perform  the  promise  they  had  made  him  to  restore 
Savona  to  the  republic  :    and  as,  instead  of  conceal- 
ing his  resentment  under  the  appearance  of  modera- 
tion, he  manifested  it  openly,  his  enemies  omitted  no 
opportunity  of  inflaming  it.     M.   de  Barbezieux  jwcas 
ordered  to  take  possession  of  his  gallies,  and  even  to 
arrest  him    if  he   should  find   it   practicable.     This 
course  of  proceeding  was  not  only  contrary   to   good 
faith  but  to  the  dictates    of  worldly    prudence  ;    and 
the  ministers  of  France  cannot  be  too  severely  cen- 
sured for  having   preferred    their    own    interests   to 
those  of  their  king,  and  for  having   driven   from  his 


AGAINST    GENOA.  109 

service  the  only  man  who  could  sustain  his  cause  in 
Italy.  It  may  also  be  said  that,  having  determined 
to  ruin  him,  they  ought  to  have  done  it  at  once  and 
completely,  and  not  have  left  him  in  a  condition  to 
inflict  essential  injury,  not  only  upon  France,  but  also 
upon  themselves,  by  giving  the  king  good  reason  to 
feel  dissatisfied  with  their  counsels,  which  were  the 
source  of  such  disasters  to  his  kingdom. 

Doria,  seeing  himself  thus  treated  as  a  criminal, 
made  known  his  complaints,  in  a  public  manifesto, 
and  declared  that  he  was  not  so  sensibly  affected  by 
his  private  wrongs,  as  by  the  injustice  of  the  king  in 
refusing  to  restore,  as  he  had  often  promised,  the  city 
ofSavona  to  his  dear  country.  He  made  an  agree- 
ment himself  with  the  marquis  del  Guasto,  his  prison- 
er, declared  himself  for  ,the  emperor,  and  accepted 
the  command  of  his  fleet.  The  conduct  of  tliis  old 
politician  was  as  malicious,  at  least,  as  that  of  the 
ministers  of  France,  but  was  much  more  crafty  and 
judicious.  He  cannot  be  exonerated  from  tlje  charge 
of  great  ingratitude,  for  resolving,  in  a  moment  of 
anger,  to  be  revenged  on  a  prince  to  whom,  it  may  be 
said,  he  was  indebted  for  all  his  glory,  as  he  had  ob- 
tained his  most  brilliant  testimonials  of  honor,  in  the 
command  of  his  forces;  and  it  is  difficult  to  justify 
the  treachery,  base  and  unworthy  his  former  actions, 
of  which  he  was  guilty,  when  he,  at  a  time  when  he 
professed  a  desire  to  remain  in  the  service  of  the 
king,  directed  Phillippin  Doria,  his  lieutenant,  to  per- 
mit provisions  to  be  conveyed  into  Naples,  which  was 
10 


110  CONSPIRACY    OF   FIESCO 

then  closely  beseiged  by  Mons.  de  Lautrec.  But  it 
must  also  be  acknowledged  that  his  conduct  entitles 
him  to  a  high  rank  in  that  class  of  politicians  who  are 
governed  wholly  by  self  interest  ;  for  he  exhibited 
such  address  in  arraying  appearances  on  his  side,  that 
his  friends  might  speciously  assign  the  king's  breach 
of  faith,  in  regard  to  his  country,  as  the  real  cause  of 
his  change  of  party  ;  and  his  enemies  could  not  deny 
that  the  treatment  he  had  received  had  been  extreme- 
ly harsh  and  difficult  to  be  endured  ;  and  moreover 
he  well  knew  that  the  secret  means  of  obtaining  a 
high  consideration  in  a  party  is  to  render  it,  at  the 
time  of  joining  it,  an  important  service.  In  fact,  he 
chose  his  time  so  judiciously,  and  conducted  his  re- 
volt so  skilfully,  that  he  preserved  Naples  for  the  em- 
peror, which  the  French,  had  Philippin  Doria  con- 
tinued to  serve  them  faithfully,  would,  in  a  few  days, 
have  wrested  from  him.  His  change  of  party  occa- 
sioned the  ruin  of  one  of  the  greatest  captains  that 
France  ever  produced,  and,  in  the  sequel,  placed  the 
republic  of  Genoa  under  the  protection  of  S[)ain,  to 
w^hich  nation,  she  is,  on  account  of  her  dominions  in 
Italy,  of  va'^Jt  importance  ;  and  this  was  the  first  ser- 
vice which  Andrew  Doria  rendered  to  the  emperor 
after  he  had  explicitly  declaied  against  the  king. 

This  artful  and  ambitious  man,  who  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  all  tlie  intrigues,  and  the  inclinations  of 
the  Genoese,  found  no  difficulty  in  managing  a  people 
who  have  always  been  accused  of  a  love  of  novelty. 
As  he  had,  in   the  city,  many  friends   and    concealed 


AGAINST    GENOA.  Ill 

partisans,  who  gave  him  an  account  of  all  that  happen- 
ed, he  took  pains  to  exasperate  the  disconten^ted,  to 
create  dissatisfaction  in  the  minds  of  others,  and  to 
convince  all  that  the  French,  retaining  the  whole 
power  in  their  own  hands,  left  to  the  Genoese  only 
the  shadow  of  sovereignty  ;  he  held  up  to  the  view  of 
the  nobles,  the  image  of  the  ancient  government, 
which  was  placed  entirely  in  their  hands  ;  and,  in 
fine,  he  intimated  to  all  classes  that  a  revolution  would 
produce  a  general  improvement  of  affairs. 

His  party  being  formed,  he  drew  near  to  Genoa 
with  his  gallies,  landed,  and,  without  meeting  any  re- 
sistance, placed  his  troops  in  battle  array.  He  then 
marched  into  the  city,  followed  by  those  of  his  own 
party  who  had  taken  arms  on  a  concerted  signal.  He 
took  possession  of  the  principal  posts,  and  became 
master  of  ihe  city  almost  without  drawing  his  sword. 
Theodore  Trivulcius,  who  commanded  for  the  king 
of  France,  lost,  in  losing  Genoa,  all  the  reputation  he 
had  acquired  in  the  wars  of  Italy  ;  for  he  neglected 
to  crush  the  intrigues  which,  previous  to  the  surren- 
der, were  carried  on  in  the  city,  although  he  was  ap^ 
prised  of  their  existence,  and,  to  save  his  life  and  his 
wealth,  he  chose  to  make  a  disgraceful  capitulation 
in  the  citadel,  rather  than  to  bury  himself  gloriously 
in  the  ruins  of  a  city  so  important  to  the  interests  of 
his  master. 

The  French  were  no  sooner  expelled  from  Genoa 
than  the  streets  resounded  with  the  name  of  Doria  i 
some,  in  these  acclamations,  conveying  their  real  sen-* 


112  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

timents  ;  others,  by  shouts  of  dissembled  joy,  con- 
cealing opinions  which  they  had  fornaerly  expressed, 
and  contrary  to  those  manifested  by  the  public ;  and 
the  majority,  as  is  generally  the  case,  welcoming  the 
new  state  of  things  for  tlie  sole  reason  of  their  novelty. 

Doria,  without  suffering  this  ardor  to  cool,  assem- 
bled the  nobility,  committed  the  government  to  their 
hands,  and,  protesting  that  he  claimed  no  higher  au- 
thority than  any  other  gentleman,  prescribed  himself 
a  constitution  for  the  republic.  Then,  after  receiving 
all  imaginable  demonstrations  of  the  gratitude  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  he  retired  to  his  palace  to  enjoy,  in  re- 
pose, the  fruit  of  his  past  labors  ;  and  the  republic 
erected  to  his  honor  a  statue  inscribed.  To  the  Father 
of  his  Country  and  the  Restorer  of  Liberty, 

There  are  many  who  think  that  Doria  had  fully 
satisfied  his  ambition  in  restoring  liberty  to  his  coun- 
try ;  and  that  the  general  applause  he  received  rath- 
er inspired  him  with  the  thought  of  enjoying  in  tran- 
quillity the  glory  he  had  acquired,  than  of  taking  ad- 
vantage of  it  to  accomplish  more  elevated  designs. 
Others  cannot  imagine  that  the  important  office  which 
he  had  just  accepted  in  the  service  of  the  emperor, 
and  the  pains  he  had  taken  to  attach  the  nobility  of 
Genoa  to  his  family,  could  have  proceeded  from  a 
disposition  solicitous  of  repose,  and  entirely  uninflu- 
enced by  self  interest.  They  believe  that  he  had  too 
much  discernment  not  to  be  aware  that  a  sovereign  in 
Genoa  could  not  possibly  continue  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  court  of  Spain,  and  that  he  intended  merely 


AGAINST    GENOA.  113 

to  amuse  that  power  by  exhibiting  an  apparent  mod- 
eration, and  to  defer  his  ambitious  projects  to  a  more 
favorable  season. 

His  advanced  age  might,  however,  have  diminished 
the  apprehension  which  they  entertained  of  the  au- 
thority he  exercised,  had  they  not  perceived  a  second 
self  in  possession  of  authority  almost  equal  to  his  own. 
Giannetino  Doria,  his  cousin  and  adopted  son,  then 
about  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  was  extremely  vain, 
haughty,  and  overbearing.  All  the  offices  which 
Andrew  held  would  be  transmitted  by  inheritance  to 
him  ;  and  the  nobility  of  Genoa  were,  for  this  reason, 
attached  to  his  interests.  His  style  of  living  was 
more  splendid  than  that  of  a  citizen  unwilling  to  at- 
tract the  envy  of  others,  or  to  arouse  the  jealousy  of 
republicans.  He  did  not  even  conceal  his  contempt 
of  those  of  noble  birth.  The  extraordinary  exalta- 
tion of  this  family  produced  the  great  commotion 
which  will  now  be  described,  and  gave  to  all  nations  a 
memorable  admonition  not  to  permit  any  individual 
to  become  so  eminent  as  to  inspire  in  others  a  wish 
to  humble  him,  and  afford  a  pretext  for  undertaking  it. 

John  Lewis  Fiesco,  count  of  Lavagna,  descended 
from  the  most  ancient  and  illustrious  family  in  Ge- 
noa, enjoying  an  annual  income  of  more  than  two 
hundred  thousand  crowns,  tj¥enty-tvvo  years  of  age, 
endowed  with  every  pleasing  and  noble  faculty,  am- 
bitious, enterprising  and  brave,  led,  at  this  time,  in 
Genoa,  a  life  quite  contrary  to  his  inclinations.  As 
he  was  passionately  fond  of  glory,  and  was  presented 
10^ 


114  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

with  no  opportunity  of  acquiring  it,  he  was  continual- 
ly meditating  upon  the  means  of  creating  such  op- 
portunity. But,  ahhough,  at  that  time,  the  state  of 
affairs  afforded  him  none,  he  yet  might  have  expect- 
ed that  his  talents  would,  at  some  futute  time,  open  to 
him  the  way  to  the  glory  he  coveted,  in  serving  his 
country,  had  the  extraordinary  power  of  Giannetino 
Doria,  of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  permitted  him 
to  hope  for  employment  ;  but,  as  he  was  too  illustri- 
ous by  his  birth,  and  too  highly  esteemed  for  his 
good  qualities,  not  to  excite  the  apprehension  of  the 
man  who  wished  to  enjoy  all  the  reputation,  and  com- 
mand all  the  force§  of  the  republic,  he  was  convinc- 
ed that  he  could  have  no  well  founded  hope,  where 
his  rival  was  almost  omnipotent  ;  for  nothing  is  more 
certain  than  that  those  who,  in  the  highest  stations, 
regard  others  with  jealousy,  never  think  of  them  but 
with  a  wish  to  effect  their  ruin.  Aware,  therefore, 
that  he  had  every  thing  to  apprehend  from  the  eleva- 
tion of  Doria,  and  that  he  could  have  no  hope  of  per- 
sonal advancement,  he  feh  impelled  to  endeavor,  by 
his  courage  and  address,  to  prevent  the  ill  consequen- 
ces of  that  grandeur  which  eclipsed  his  own;  well 
knowing  that  nothing  is  ever  to  be  expected  from 
those  who  impress  others  with  fear,  but  an  excessive 
distrust  of  all  who  are  capable  of  rising  by  their  own 
merit,  and  incessant  endeavors  to  impede  their  pro- 
gress. 

Despairing  from  all  these  considerations,  of  attain- 
ing to  eminence  in  the  service  of  his  country,  he  con- 


AGAINST    GENOA.  115 

ceived  the  design  of  humbling  the  family  of  Doria, 
before  it  had  become  more  firmly  established  ;  and 
as  that  family  was  identified  with  the  government  of 
the  republic,  he  resolved  to  effect  the  ruin  of  the  one 
by  a  rev^olution  in  the  other. 

Great  rivers  never  do  any  damage  when  nothing 
interrupts  their  course  ;  but,  meeting  the  slightest  ob- 
stacle, they  rage  with  violence,  and  an  inconsidera- 
ble bank  often  causes  them  to  overflow  and  drown 
those  fields  which  otherwise  they  would  have  render- 
ed fertile.  And  thus  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
if  the  ambition  of  Fiesco  had  not  found  the  career  of 
glory  preoccupied  by  the  Dorias,  he  would  never 
have  transgressed  the  bounds  of  moderation  and  duty, 
but  would  have  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  repub- 
lic those  talents  which  almost  effected  its  ruin. 

These  ambitious  purposes  of  the  count  were  en- 
couraged by  the  representations  of  many,  who  ex- 
pected to  derive  personal  advantages  from  the  public 
disorders  ;  and  more  especially  by  the  pressing  so- 
licitations of  the  French,  who  addressed  to  him  many 
arguments,  and  made  him  considerable  offers,  at  first 
by  the  medium  of  Caesar  Fregosa  and  Canino  Gon- 
zague,  and  afterwards  of  Mons.  du  Bellai,  who  held 
secret  conferences  with  him  by  the  intervention  of  Pe- 
ter Luke  Fiesco. 

It  was  generally  believed,  at  that  time,  that  Pope 
Paul  III,  hoping,  by  the  same  blow,  to  humble  An- 
drew Doria,  whom  he  hated  for  certain  private  rea- 
sons, and  to  deprive  the  emperor,  already  too  power- 


116  CONSPIRACY    OF   FIESCO 

ful,  of  an  able  partisan  in  Italy,  had  labored  assidu- 
ously to  inflame  the  ambition  of  Fiasco,  and  had  pre- 
sented to  him  the  strongest  inducements  to  undertake 
his  designs  against  Genoa. 

No  flattery  is  so  grateful  to  a  man  of  spirit,  and 
nothing  impels  him  to  such  perilous  enterprises,  as  to 
be  courted  by  persons  greatly  superior  to  others  in 
dignity  or  reputation.  This  mark  of  their  esteem  in- 
spires him  with  high  confidence  in  himself,  and  per- 
suades him  that  he  is  capable  of  conducting  success- 
fully the  most  important  affairs.  The  project  which 
Fiesco  had  conceived  was  thus  made  to  appeap  to 
him  glorious  and  easy  to  be  executed  ;  for  he  was 
urged  to  undertake  it  by  the  greatest  prince  in  Eu- 
rope, and  by  the  ablest  statesman  of  the  age.  The 
one  was  Francis  I,  who  directed  Peter  Strozzi,  when 
passing,  with  his  troops,  over  the  mountains  near  Ge- 
noa, to  convey  to  him  his  wishes  ;  and  the  other 
was  cardinal  Augustine  Trivulcius,  protector  of 
France  at  the  court  of  Rome,  from  whom  he  receiv- 
ed all  imaginable  honors,  when,  apparently  for  the 
gratification  of  his  curiosity,  but  in  reality  to  commu- 
nicate his  design  to  the  Pope  and  ascertain  his  senti- 
ments, he  visited  that  city. 

The  Cardinal,  whose  reputation  was  then  at  its 
height,  and  who  was  considered  a  very  sagacious 
politician,  succeeded  in  inflaming  the  ambition  of  Fi- 
esco, a  passion  which  naturally  had  too  much  domin- 
ion over  him.  He  exhibited  to  him,  in  the  manner 
best  calculated  to  excite    his  jealousy,  the  present 


AGAINST    GENOA.  117 

greatness  of  Giannetino  Doria,  and  the  future  great- 
ness he  was  endeavoring  to  secure  by  the  connections 
he  was  forming  ;  and;,  augmenting  thus  the  envy 
which  the  former,  and  the  apprehension  which  the 
latter  excited,  he  insinuated  that  it  must  be  intolera- 
ble to  a  man  of  spirit  to  live  in  a  republic  where  the 
career  of  honor  was  closed  against  him,  and  where 
noble  birth  and  exalted  merit  gave  him  no  advantage 
above  ordinary  men. 

After  he  had  confirmed  him  in  his  purpose,  he  offer- 
ed him,  on  the  part  of  France,  all  the  aid  he  might 
desire.  His  urgent  representations  had  such  effect 
upon  a  mind  already  inclined  to  yield,  that  the  count, 
at  length,  with  evident  satisfaction,  ^  expressed  an  in- 
tention of  accepting  the  command  of  six  gallies  in  the 
service  of  the  king,  of  two  hundred  men  of  the  garri- 
son of  Montobio,  of  a  company  of  infantry,  and  a 
pension  of  twelve  thousand  crowns,  declaring,  never- 
theless, that  he  would  not  give  a  definite  answer  until 
after  his  return  to  Genoa.  So  true  it  is,  that,  in  af- 
fairs of  importance,  nothing  is  more  difficult  than  to 
form,  at  once,  a  decisive  resolution  ;  a  multitude  of 
considerations,  each  balancing  another,  crowd  togeth- 
er into  the  mind,  and  give  rise  to  the  fear  that  suffi- 
cient time  has  not  been  devoted  to  deliberation. 

Extraordinary  actions  resemble  explosions  of  thun^- 
der,  which  are  never  loud,  nor  their  effects  danger- 
ous, except  where  the  exhalations  which  occasion 
them  have  been  a  long  time  struggling  with  each  oth- 
er.   When  there  is  nothing  but  a  mass   of  vapors,   a 


118  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

low  sound  only  is  produced,  which,  far  from  terrify- 
ing, is  scarcely  heard.  It  is  thus  vvith  resolutions  in 
great  affairs.  When  they  enter  at  once  into  the 
mind,  and  meet  only  vvith  feeble  resistance,  it  is  an 
infallible  sign  that  they  make  only  a  shght  and  tran- 
sient impression,  which  may  indeed  occasion  some 
agitation,  but  will  never  produce  any  important  ef- 
fect. 

It  cannot  justly  be  denied  that  Fiesco  had  reflect- 
ed materially  upon  the  project  which  he  was  desirous 
of  undertaking  ;  for,  after  his  return  to  Genoa,  anx- 
ious as  he  was  to  execute  it,  he  hesitated,  a  long  time, 
in  determining  which  of  the  various  routes,  leading 
to  his  object,  he  should  select.  Sometimes  the  offer- 
ed aid  of  a  powerful  king  inclined  him  to  adopt  the 
resolution  of  throwing  himself  into  the  arms  of  the 
French  ;  at  other  times,  the  distrust  of  foreigners, 
which  all  naturally  feel,  joined  to  certain  aspirations 
of  glory,  which  impel  a  man  to  reject  all  participation 
of  others  in  the  brilliant  actions  he  intends  to  perform, 
iliclined  him  to  hope  that  he  might  find,  in  his  own 
resources,  means  bearing  some  proportion  to  his  great 
designs  ;  and  perhaps  these  different  reflections  would 
have  long  agitated  his  bosom,  and  occasioned  consid- 
erable delay,  had  he  not  daily  had  new  and  just  cau-- 
ses  of  indignation  at  the  insupportable  arrogance  of 
Giannetino  Doria,  who,  in  addition  to  his  general  in- 
solence of  behaviour,  treated  the  count,  after  his  re- 
turn, with  such  particular  haughtiness,  that  he  could 
not  restrain  his  anger,  and  openly  declared   that  he 


AGAINST    GENOA.  119 

would  not  submit  to  the  disgraceful  servitude  to  which 
his  fellow  citizens  were  subjected. 

Politicians,  following  the  general  maxims,  that  ev- 
ery feeling  of  anger  against  those  we  hate,   should  be 
suppressed  until  the  opportunity  occurs   of  striking  a 
fatal  blow,  have  censured  this  conduct  of  the  count  as 
injudicious.     But  it  must  be  acknowledged  that,  if  his 
prudence  failed  him,   on  this  occasion,  it  is  a  fault  to 
which  lofty  natures  are  liable.     Contemptuous  treat- 
ment irritates  them  so  suddenly  and  so  violently  that 
they  cannot  wait  to  take  counsel  of  their  reason,  nor 
to  acquire  the  mastery  over  themselves.     This   fault 
proves  him  guiltless,   at  least,    of  the   charge  which 
some  historians  have  made  against  him,  that  he    was 
naturally  of  a  dark    and    dissembling    temper,   more 
covetous  than  ambitious,    and  more  strongly  attached 
to  interest  than  to  glory.     This  warmth,  1  say,  which 
his  conduct  displayed,  proves  that  he   was  actuated 
by  a  love  of  glory,    and  by  a  laudable   ambition,  for 
all,  who  have  embarked   in  similar    designs,    from   a 
love  of  domination,  and  from  other  views  than  the  ac- 
quisition of  honorable  fame,  have  previously  submit- 
ted patiently  to  shameful  humiliations. 

It  is  certain  that  Giannetino  Doria  was  intolerably 
insolent,  and  that,  in  all  respects,  he  followed  the 
wicked  maxim,  that  severity  and  haughtiness  are  the 
best  methods  of  governing,  and  that  it  is  useless  to 
conciliate  by  kindness  those  who  may  be  controlled 
by  interest  or  fear.  This  conduct,  increasing  the 
aversion   of  the   count,    strengthened  the   resolution 


120  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

which  he  had  found  to  destroy  him,  and  afforded 
him  the  opportunity  of  making  use,  to  humble  him, 
of  the  effects  of  that  haughtiness  with  which  he  en- 
deavored to  humble  all  others. 

The  Cardinal  Augustine  Trivulcius,  aware  that, 
on  such  occasions,  it  is  dangerous  to  give  to  the  zeal 
of  young  men  a  time  to  cool,  immediately  after  the 
count's  return  to  Genoa,  despatched  Nicholas  Foderr 
ato,  a  gentleman  of  Savona,  and  a  relation  of  the  fam- 
ily of  Fiesco,  to  obtain  his  decisive  answer.  He 
found  him  more  incensed  than  ever,  and  easily  per- 
suaded him  to  stipulate  whatever  he  desired.  He 
then  returned,  without  delay,  to  procure  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  by  the  ministers  of  the  king,  who 
were,  at  that  time,  at  Rome.  But  having  proceed- 
ed thirty  or  forty  leagues,  he  was  overtaken  by  a 
courier  and  recalled,  the  count  having  reflected  that 
he  had  been  too  precipitate,  and  that  he  ought  not 
to  have  concluded  an  agreement  of  that  importance 
without  haviag  conferred  with  those  friends  whose 
judgments  he  confided  in.  He  assembled  three  of 
them,  on  whose  fidelity  he  could  implicitly  rely,  and 
whom  he  highly  esteemed  for  their  good  qualities ; 
and  after  having  declared  that  he  had  resolved  to  en- 
dure no  longer  the  present  government  ef  the  repub- 
lic, he  requested  their  advice  upon  the  subject. 

Vincent  Caleagno  of  Varesa,  a  zealous  servant  of 
the  family,  discreet  but  timid,  began  his  discourse 
with  the  freedom  which  his  long  services  entitled  him 
to  use ;    and,  addressing  the  count,  spoke  as  follows  : 


AGAINST    GENOA.  121 

**  It  seems  to  me  that  there  is  much  reason  to  com- 
passionate the  misfortune   of  those    who    embark   in 
important  undertakings.     They  cast  tliemselves,  as  it 
were,  upon  a  tempestuous  ocean,    where    no   spot  is 
visible  that  is   not  marked   by  a  shipwreck.     And  it 
ought  to  increase  our  fears  to  see  young  men,  whom 
w-e  love,  exposed  to   this  danger  :  for  they  have  not 
the  strength  to  encounter  the  labors  of  such  a  voyage, 
nor  the  experience  to  avoid  the  rocks,  or  steer  safely 
to  port.     All  your  servants   ought  to  feel  a  lively  in- 
terest in  the   designs    which   your    courage  prompts 
you  to  undertake.     Permit  me  to   say,    that    this    is 
above  your  age,  and  the  station  yi)U    occupy.     Your 
thoughts  are  bent  on  affairs,   which    require  a  higher 
consideration  in  the  world  than  a  man   of  your  age, 
however  fortunate  he  may   have  been,    can    possibly 
have  obtained  ;    and  the  design  you  have  formed  de- 
mands forces  which  one  of  the   greatest  kings  of  the 
age  has  never  been  able   to    raise.     These    thoughts 
arise  in  your  mind  from  two  modes    of  false    reason- 
ing, which  ar^,  as  it  were,  inherent  in  the   nature   of 
man.      Himself  is  apt  to   engross  too    much   of  his 
thoughts  ;    that  is  to  say,  he  assumes  that  he  can  do, 
whatever  his  imagination  tells  him  he  may  do  ;     and 
he  seldom  forms  a  safe  judgment  of  others,    because 
he  makes  himself  the  criterion  by  which   he  judges, 
considering  only  what  they  can  do,  and  not  what  they 
ought  nor  what  their  interests  may  lead  them    to   do. 
The  first  error  is  exceedingly  dangerous,  because,  as 
no  one  can  perform  an   important    enterprise    aJone, 
11 


122  CONSPIRACY   OF   FIESCO 

and  as  many  others  must  be  consulted,  it  is  highly  im- 
portant that  they  also  should  think  it  rational  and 
practicable  5  otherwise  he,  who  undertakes  it,  will 
find  few  friends  who  are  wiUing  to  follow  his  fortunes. 
The  second  error  is  even  more  common  and  not  less 
dangerous,  because  those  very  persons,  from  whom 
much  assistance  is  anticipated,  are  often  found  to 
make  the  strongest  opposition.  Be  careful,  there* 
fore,  that  the  great  talents  which  nature  has  given 
you,  and  which  you  may,  perhaps  justly,  imagine  will 
supply  the  deficiency  of  experience,  do  not  betray 
you  into  the  first  error  ;  and  consider  that,  brilliant 
as  they  are,  they  may  not  produce,  in  the  minds  even 
of  those  best  disposed  to  serve  you,  that  strength  of 
attachment  ;which  will  be  necessary  for  the  execution 
of  an  enterprise  so  diflicult  and  dangerous.  And  it 
is  still  more  unlikely  that  they  should  so  dazzle  your 
enemies,  as  to  prevent  them  from  making  use,  with 
effect,  of  the  pretence  that  you  are  yet  a  young  man- 
Be  careful,  also,  that  your  illustrious  birth,  and  the 
reputation  which  you  have  acquired  by  your  good 
qualities  ;  that  your  immense  wealth  and  the  secret 
understandings  which  you,  perhaps,  have  entered  in- 
to, do  not  betray  you  into  the  second  error,  and  in- 
duce you  to  believe  that  those  who  have  promised  to 
assist  you  will  not  desert  you  in  time  of  need.  Dis- 
miss therefore  that  thought,  or  if  you  do  not  entertain 
it,  cease  to  judge  others  by  yourself,  but  judge  them 
by  the  relations  in  which  they  stand.  Consider  their 
interests  ;    reflect  that  it  is  that  which   actuates  and 


AGAINST    GENOA.  123 

governs  almost  every  one  ;  that   most  of  those  who 
respect  and  love  you,  love  themselves  infinitely  more, 
and  dread  injury  to  themselves  much  more  than  they 
desire  success  to  you.     In  fine,   consider  that  those 
who  encourage  you  to  hope  for   their    assistance  are 
either  foreigners   or  your   fellow-citizens.       Of  the 
first,  the  most  considerable  are  the    French.     They 
cannot  assist  you,  for,  at  present,  their  whole  strength 
is  needed  to  defend  themselves  in  their  own  country, 
against  the  armies  of  the  empire  and  of  Spain.  Those 
who  can  assist  you,  the    Genoese,  will  not.     Some 
will  be  terrified  by  the  dangers  which  are  incident  to 
affairs  of  this  nature  ;   and  others,  governed  by  inter- 
est, will  fear  the  loss  of  their  repose  or  their  fortunes. 
Most  of  those,  not  influenced  by  these  considerations, 
are  persons  of  such  mean  birth  and   little    influence, 
that   no    assistance   can    be    expected    from    them. 
Wherefore,  the  unbounded   authority  of  Doria,   and 
the  evil  condition  of  the    times,  which    inspire    you 
with  thoughts  of  revolt,  ought  rather  to  teach  you  pa- 
tience, for  they  have  so  dispirited  the    Genoese    that 
they  now  esteem  it  an  honor  to  surrender  to  his  au- 
thority that  independence  which   he  has    restored  to 
ihem,  and  which   he    wrested  from    foreigners    only 
that  he  might  usurp  it  himself.     Are  you  not  aware, 
that,  for  a  long  time,  this  republic  has  enjoyed    only 
the  shadow  of  a  free  government,  and  that  it  can  no 
longer  exist  without  a  master  ?    Do  you  not  perceive 
that  the  family  of  Doria  is  gradually  attaching   to   its 
interests  the  greater  portion  of  the  nobility,    by    the 


124  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

naval  appointments  it  confers?  and   that,   favored  by 
the  empire  and  Spain,  it  holds  all  the    rest  in    fear  f 
Do  you  not  perceive,  1  say,  that  all  the   Genoese    are 
sunk,  as  it  were,  into  a  profound  lethargy  ;    and   that 
even  those,  who  have  most  spirit,    do  not  think  it  dis- 
honorable to  give  way  to  that  mighty  power,  provided 
they  do  not  debase  themselves  by  w^orshipping  it.     I 
do  not  pretend  to  justify  the  republic   for    its    impru- 
dence in  permitting  the  elevation  of  this  family,  which 
it  can  no  longer  endure  without  disgrace,  nor  humble 
without  danger  ;  but  I  dare  maintain  that  an  individual 
cannot  reasonably  hope,  by  his  own  means,  to  remove 
an  evil  which  has  become  so  deeply  rooted  ;   and  that 
all  which  an  honorable  man  can  do,   in   such  a  junc- 
ture, is  to  imitate  those   prudent    mariners,  who,    in- 
stead of  struggling  obstinately  with  the  w^ind  to  reach 
a  port,  seek  the  open  sea,  and  submit,  without  resist- 
ance, to  the  force   of  the  storm.     Yield,    therefore, 
to  the  times,  while  fate  so  ordains  ;  seek  not  for  rent- 
ed ies  where   none  are  to  be  found  that  are  not  worse 
than  the  disease.    Await  them  from  the  hand  of  Prov- 
idence, which  rules,  as   it    pleases,    the   destinies   of 
states,  and    which   will    never    desert  this  republic. 
Enjoy,  in  contentment,  the   repose,  and  the  advan- 
tages, which  your  birth  secures  you,  or  seek  the  law- 
ful opportunities,  afforded  by  foreign  wars,    to   exer- 
cise your  valour. 

"  Expose  not  to  the  hazard  of  a  criminal  revolt  the 
great  fortune  you  possess,  and  which  would  satisfy 
the   ambition  of  any  other  person  ;   and  be  assured 


AGAINST    GENOA.  125 

that,  if  Giannetino  envies  or  hates  your  merit,  you 
<;annot  gratify  him  more  than  by  following  your  pres- 
ent inclination,  for  you  will  afford  him  an  opportunity 
of  pursuing  his  private  resentment  under  the  pretext 
of  public  good,  and  of  making  use  of  the  authority  of 
the  state  to  destroy  you  ;  and,  in  fine,  you  will  labor 
yourself  to  erect,  upon  your  own  ruins,  trophies  of  his 
glory  and  power.  They,  who  rise  without  effort  to 
eminent  stations,  most  commonly  fall  of  themselves  ; 
because,  if  they  possess  ambition,  and  the  qualities 
which  enable  them  to  rise,  they  are  generally  desti- 
tute of  those  which  are  necessary  to  sustain  them  : 
and  when  one,  whom  fortune  has  borne  to  these  lofty 
stations,  reaches  the  height  without  stumbling,  he 
must  have  encountered,  from  the  beginning,  many 
difficulties  which  taught  him  to  stand  firm  on  a  place 
so  slippery.  Caesar  possessed,  in  an  eminent  degree, 
all  the  qualities  necessary  to  a  great  prince,  yet  nei- 
ther his  courtesy,  his  prudence,  his  courage,  his  elo- 
quence, nor  his  liberality  could  have  raised  him  to  the 
empire  of  the  world,  had  he  not  met  with  resistance 
in  the  Roman  republic,  The  pretext  afforded  by 
the  persecution  of  Pompey  }  the  reputation  which 
their  contests  with  each  other  gave  him  an  opportuni- 
ty to  acquire  ;  the  advantages  he  derived  from  the 
division  among  his  fellow  citizens,  w^ere  what,  in  real- 
ity, raised  him  to  povi^er  ;  and  yet  it  appears  to  me 
that  you  are  laboring  to  strengthen  the  family  of  Do- 
ria,  by  procuring  it  the  only  advantage  it  has  not  pos- 
sessed I  and  because  its  high  fortune  has  been  toQ 
11* 


126  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

easily  attained  to  be  firmly  secured,  you  resolve,  in 
your  impatience,  to  fortify  it  by  efforts  which,  being 
too  feeble  to  overthrow  it,  will  serve  only  to  justify 
his  designs  and  establish  his  authority. 

"  But  I  will,  if  you  please,  adopt  your  sentiments, 
audt'^uppose  that  you  have  succeeded  in  all  your  de- 
signs. Imagine  that  all  the  family  of  Doria  are  mas- 
sacred, and  that  all  the  nobility,  who  belong  to  his 
party,  are  in  irons  ;  imagine  all  your  enemies  over- 
thrown, and  Spain  and  the  empire  unable  to  molest 
you  ;  enjoy  the  certainty  of  a  triumph  in  the  midst 
of  this  universal  desolation  :  If  these  gloomy  images 
of  destruction  afford  you  pleasure,  what  course  will 
you  pursue  in  a  city  rendered  desolate  by  you,  and 
which  will  regard  you  rather  as  a  new  tyrant  than  as 
her  deliverer  ?  What  solid  foundation  will  you  be  able 
to  find  on  which  you  can  support  your  acquired  great- 
ness f  Could  your  confidence  in  the  instability  of  the 
Genoese,  who,  the  instant  you  have  placed  the  crown 
on  your  head,  if  such  be  your  intention,  will,  perhaps, 
regard  you  with  horror,  and  think  of  nothing  but  the 
means  of  wresting  it  from  you  ?  For,  as  1  have  al- 
ready observed,  they  are  not  capable  of  enjayiug  J4fe— r- 
erty,  nor  will  they  long  endure  the  same  master.  Or 
should  you  again  surrender  Genoa  to  the  domination 
of  foreigners  ;  should  you  again  open  your  gates  to 
admit  them,  on  the  first  act  of  oppression  which  they 
commit,  she  will  consider  you  as  the  author  of  her 
ruin,  and  as  the  parricide  of  your  country.  Do  you 
not  fear  that  those,  who  are  now  the  most  zealous  to 


AGAINST    GENOA.  127 

serve  you,  will,  from  an  unwillingness  to  be  subject 
to  your  power,  be  the  first  to  labor  for  your  over- 
throw ?  And  even  if  this  feeling  should  not  impel  them 
to  act  thus,  you  cannot  be  ignorant  that  those  who 
serve  a  rebel  imagine  they  lay  him  under  such  strong 
obligations,  that,  as  he  can  never  reward  them  ac- 
cording to  their  claims,  they  almost  always  become 
his  enemies.  As  those  who  fall  down  a  mountain  are 
torn  to  pieces  by  the  same  projecting  rocks  which  they 
caught  hold  of  to  ascend,  so  those  who  fall  from  an 
exalted  station  are  almost  always  ruined  by  the  means 
which  they  had  employed  to  rise.  I  am  well  aware 
that  ambition  animates  persons  of  your  condition,  age, 
and  talents,  and  that  it  places  before  your  eyes  pom- 
pous and  dazzling  images  of  glory  and  grandeur. 
But  while  your  imagination  exhibits  to  you  all  the 
objects  of  that  passion  which  renders  men  illustrious, 
your  judgment  ought  to  regard  it  as  that  which 
most  commonly  renders  them  miserable,  and  as  that 
which  sacrifices  certain  good,  for  the  attainment  of 
uncertain  hopes.  Know  that  if,  when  properly  direct- 
ed, it  is  the  source  of  the  noblest  virtues,  its  excess 
also  leads  to  the  greatest  crimes.  Consider  that  it 
was  ambition  which  formerly  mingled  so  many  poi- 
sons and  sharpened  so  many  poniards  against  usurp- 
ers and  tyrants,  and  that  it  is  the  same  passion  which 
now  urges  you  to  become  the  Catiline  of  Genoa. 

"  Do  not  flatter  yourself  that  the  motive,  by  which 
you  are  actuated,  of  preserving  the  liberty  of  the  re- 
public, will  be  considered  by  the  world  as   any  thing 


128  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

more  than  the  common  pretence  of  all  leaders  of  fac- 
tions ]    and  though  nothing,  in  truth,    but  zeal  for  the 
public  good,  impels  you  to  embark  in  this  undertak- 
ing, yet  do  not  expect  that  the  world    will  ever   do 
you  the  justice  to  believe  it ;  since,  in  all  cases  where 
actions  may  be  attributed  indifferently  to  vice  or    to 
virtue,  and  where  the  intention  alone  of  the  actor  can 
justify  them,  mankind,   who  judge  only  from  appear- 
ances, rarely  put  a  favorable  construction  upon    the 
most  innocent  ones.     But  in  your  enterprise,  in  what- 
ever light  you  view  it,  you  can  see  nothing  but  mas- 
sacres and  objects  the  most  dismal,  which    the   best 
intentions  in  the  world  cannot  justify.       Strive,   then, 
to  control  your   ambition  ;    and    remember  that  you 
ought  then  only  to  follow  its  dictates,   when  it  divests 
itself  entirely  of  self-interest,  and  is  guided  solely  by 
duty.     There  have  been  many  conquerors  who  have 
ravaged  nations  and  overturned  thrones,  and  who  did 
not  possess  that  greatness  of  soul  which  regards,  with 
equal  eye,  the  highest  elevation  and  the  lowest  abase- 
ment, success  and  misfortune,  pleasure  and  pain,  life 
and  death,  and  yet  it  is  this  love  of  true  glory,  this 
nobleness  of  soul,  which  makes  men  really  great,  and 
which  raises  them  above  the  rest  of  the  world.    This 
species  of  glory,   and  this  alone,  can  render  you  per- 
fectly happy,  even  should  all  the  dangers,   which  you 
imagine,  surround  you  ;   and  you   cannot  obtain   the 
other  without  committing  the  blackest  crimes.     Seek 
this,  therefore,  for  so  prudence  as  well  as  virtue  dic- 
tates, it  being  more  useful,  less  dangerous,  and  more 
honorable." 


AGAINST    GENOA.  129 

The  count  was  sensibly  affected  by  this  discourse, 
the  arguments  appearing  strong,  and  the  confidence, 
which,  from  his  earliest  youth,  he  had  reposed  in  the 
speaker,  increasing  their  weight  and  force.  ^^Verrina, 
one  of  those  who  had  been  invited  to  the  council,  a 
man  of  extensive  views,  impetuous,  fond  of  great  en- 
terprises, an  implacable  enemy  of  the  present  govern- 
ment, almost  ruined  by  his  prodigality,  strongly  at- 
tached by  interest  and  inclination  to  the  count,  im- 
mediately spoke  thus  in  reply  : 

"  I  should  be  astonished  that  a  single  man  in   Ge- 
noa, should  be  capable  of  uttering  the  sentiments  you 
have  just  heard,  if  the  sufferings,  which   the   republic 
patiently  endures,  had  left  me  the  faculty  of  being  as- 
tonished at  any  thing.     When  every  one   submits    to 
oppression  with  such  shameful  servility,    it  is  natural 
to  conceal   dissatisfaction,    and  to   seek  excuses   for 
weakness.       This  insensibility  is  nevertheless  a  proof 
of  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  republic  ;  and  Vin- 
cent Calcagno   has   correctly    referred    to   it  as    the 
plainest  symptom  of  the  violence  of  our  malady.    But 
to  me  it  seems  unreasonable  that  we   should   reap  no 
advantage  from  the  knowledge  which  we  have  of  our 
disease ;   for  nature  itself  instructs  us,   that  we  ought 
to  be  guided  by  it  in  applying   the    proper  remedies. 
However,  the  health  of  this  republic  is  not  yet  as  des-^ 
perate  as  if  all  its  members  were   corrupt  -,    and   the 
count  Fiesco,  exalted  in  rank,  in  wealth,  and  in  birth, 
above  all  others,  directs  his  thoughts  beyond  the  lim- 
ited views  of  the  Genoese,  and  rises,  by  his  courage. 


130  CONSPIRACY    OP    FIESCO 

above  the  general  corruption.      To  ascertain  whether 
a  man  is  born  for  extraordinary  actions,  the  advanta- 
ges of  nature  and  fortune  ought  not  solely  to    be    re- 
garded, for  there  have  been  many  persons  who  have 
possessed  both  in  perfection,  yet,  during  their  whole 
lives,  have  remained  in  the  beaten  path   of  ordinary 
men  ;    but  we  ought  to  observe   whether  a  man,  en- 
joying these  advantages,  retains,  in  conjunctions  preg- 
nant with  evil,  and  in  a  country  where  tyranny  is  mak- 
ing rapid  strides,  the  sentiments  of  virtue,   and   pre- 
serves from  corruption  the  noble  qualities  with  which 
nature  endowed  him  ;   for  if,  in  these  circumstances, 
he  holds  fast  his  integrity,  and   resists    the   contagion 
of  those  base  maxims  which  infect  the    rest    of  the 
world,  and  especially  men  of  rank,  (for  tyrants,  fear- 
ing them  most,  take  most   pains    to    corrupt   them  ;) 
then    we    may  presume  that  his  reputation  will,   at 
3ome  future  time,  be  equal  to  his  merit,  and  that  for- 
tune designs  him  for  something  great,  and  even  won- 
derful.    Wherefore,  sir,  I  know  of  no  person   from 
whom  the  republic   may,  with    reason,  expect  such 
signal  interposition  as  from  you.     You  live  in  a  time 
which  presents  you  with  no  example  of  courage  and 
generosity  that  is  not  punished,  nor  of  baseness   and 
treachery  that  is  not  rewarded.     Add  to  this,  you  live 
in  a  country  where  the  power  of  the  house  of  Doria 
depresses,  with  abject  fear,  the  courage  of  all  the  no- 
bility, or  holds  them  bound  in  the  servile  fetters  of  in- 
terest ;   and  yet  you  have  not  fallen  into  this  general 
degradation.    You  still  cherish  those  noble  sentiineptS 


AGAINST    GENOA.  131 

which  your  illustrious  birth  inspires ;   and  your  mind 
projects  undertakings  worthy  of  your  valor.     Do  not 
forbear,  therefore,   to  exercise  those  admirable  quali- 
ties ;  abuse  not  the  talents  which  nature  has  conferred  ; 
serve  your  country  ;  be  convinced,  by  the  excellence  of 
your  motives,  that  the  actions  they  will  produce  must  be 
great  and  glorious.     A  single  individual  of  your  rank 
and  merit  is  capable  of  restoring  the  courage   of  the 
Genoese  and  of  reviving  their  pristine  love  of  liberty. 
Be  persuaded  that  t^ronx^^^  the  greatest    evil    that 
can  afflict^jepublic ,     The  condition,  to  which  ours 
is  reduced,  resembles  those   diseases  which,  notwith- 
standing the  dejection  they  produce,    excite,    in   the 
mind  of  the  patient,  a  vehement  desire  of  recovery. 
Comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  whole   people,    who 
groan  under  the  unjust  domination  of  Doria.     Second 
the  prayers  of  the  virtuous  portion  of  the   nobility, 
who  deplore,  in  secret,  the  common  calamity  of  the 
Genoese;    and  be  assured,  in  fine,  that>  if  weakness 
and  baseness  continue    to  spread  among  them,    the 
blame  will  not  rest  so  much  upon   Giannetino    Doria 
for  having  produced  it,  by    his    insolence,    as    upon 
John  Lewis  Fiesco  for  having  permitted  it,  by  his  ir- 
resolution. 

"The  high  esteem  which  your  good  qualities 
have  procured  you,  is  an  important  advantage  which 
you  have  already  gained.  Let  it  not  be  said  that 
your  youth  is  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of  an  enter- 
prise so  glorious  ;  it  is  an  age  when  the  warmth  of 
the  blood,  the  source  of  the  noblest  courage,  inspires 


132  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

none  but  elevated  and  generous  designs  ;  and,  in  ex- 
traordinary undertakings,  vigor  and  intrepidity  are 
more  requisite  than  the  cool  reflections  of  timid  pru- 
dence which  perceives  all  the  dangers  of  a  contempla- 
ted project.  Besides,  your  reputation  is  so  well  es- 
tablished that  I  may  say,  without  flattery,  that,  with 
all  the  charms  of  youth  to  attract  friends,  you  have 
acquired  that  credit  in  the  world  which  is  ordinarily 
acquired  only  at  a  more  advanced  age.  You  are 
therefore,  and  it  is  fortunate  that  you  are,  under  a 
strong  obligation  to  maintain  the  high  opinion  which 
the  public  entertain  of  your  virtue. 

"  Convinced  of  your  disinterestedness,  I  know  not 
whether  I  ought  to  add,  to  the  considerations  arising 
out  of  the  misfortunes  of  our  republic,  motives  which 
concern  you  personally  ;  but  as  there  are  conjunc- 
tures when  interest  is  so  closely  connected  with  hon- 
or, that  it  is  almost  as  disgraceful  not  to  consult,  as  it 
is,  at  other  times,  noble  to  despise  it,  I  beseech  you 
to  reflect  in  what  situation  you  would  be,  should  the 
present  government  continue  much  longer.  Those 
who  unite  great  merit  to  exalted  birth  have  always 
two  powerful  enemies  ;  the  envy  of  courtiers  and  the 
hatred  of  those  who  fill  the  liighest  oflices.  It  is  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  escape  the  first  when  one  possesses 
splendid  establishments  ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  avoid 
the  second,  when  one  has  independence  of  spirit  and 
a  high  consideration  in  the  world.  Prudence  and  ci- 
vility may  indeed  allay  the  jealousy  which  interest  ex- 
cites among  equals,  but  they  can  never  entirely  dispel 


AGAINST   GENOA.  133 

the  distrust  which  a  regard  for  their  own  safety  plants 
in  the  minds  of  superiors.      There  are  virtues  so  ex- 
cellent and  imposing  that  they  force  envy  itself  to  ren- 
der them  homage.     But,  at  the  same  time  that  they 
gain  a  victory  over  envy,    they    exasperate  hatred. 
Hatred  increases  as  merit  rises  ;    and  virtue,  in  these 
circumstances,    resembles  a  vessel  tossed   by  a  tem- 
pest, which  has  no  sooner  surmounted  one  wave,  than 
it  encounters  another  more  formidable  than  the  first. 
"  Can  you  be  ignorant  that  Giannetino  Doria  feels 
a  secret  envy  of  your  birth,  so  much  more   illustrious 
than  his  own  ?  of  your  wealth,  more  honestly  acquir- 
ed than  that  which  he  possesses  ?  and  of  your  reputa- 
tion which  surpasses  by  far  whatever  he  can  hope   to 
attain  ?  What  reason  have  you   to  suppose,   that  the 
envy  growing  out  of  these  considerations,   and  insti- 
gated by  a  vehement  ambition,  will  give  rise,  in   the 
mind  of  this  imperious  man,  to  nothing  but  feeble  and 
irresolute  purposes,  and  that  it  will  not  aim  directly  at 
your  ruin  ?  Can  you  hope  that  when,   by   your    pru- 
dence and  by  the  force  of  your  virtue,  you  shall  have 
conquered  his  envy,  you  will  be  able  to  escape   that 
hatred  which  the  contrariety  of  your  dispositions  nat- 
urally produces  in  his  breast ;    and   that  his  haughty 
spirit,  which  the  prudence  of  Andrew  Doria  has  hith- 
erto restrained,   will    longer  tolerate  the  man  who  is 
the  only  obstacle  to  his   designs  ?    As  for    me,  I  am 
persuaded  that  the   consequences  I  have  alluded   to 
are  inevitable,   because  you  cannot  divest  yourself  of 
the  qualities  that  will  produce  them,  nor  change  your 
12 


134  CONSPIRACY    OF   FIESCO 

nature  and  cease  to  be  generous.     But  should  it  even 
be  in  your  power  to  conceal,  under  a  modest  exteri- 
or, that  loftiness  of  soul  which  raises  you  so  far  above 
common  men,  do  you  believe  that  Giannetino  Doria, 
jealous  as  he  is,  and  as  all  tyrants  are,  will  not  feel  a 
constant  distrust  of  your  conduct  ?  All  the  marks  of 
your  moderation  and  patience  v^ould  seem  to  him  ar- 
tifices designed  to  ensnare  and  undo  him.     He  would 
not  consider  it  possible  that  a  man,  bearing  the  name 
of  Fiesco,  could  be  capable  of  such  baseness  ;   and 
judging,  rationally,  that  you  were  what  you  ought   to 
be,  he  would  make  use,  for  your  ruin,  of  that  apparent 
submission  which  you   would  assume  for  your  safety. 
All  the  difference,  therefore,   between  what  you  now 
are,  and  what  you  would  then  be,   would   be   merely 
this,  that  you  would  then  certainly  perish  with   eter- 
nal infamy  ;   when,  by  following  the  generous  impul- 
ses of  your  nature,  you  may  be  assured  that  the  only 
misfortune  that  can  happen  to  you  will   be,    to  die  in 
a  glorious  enterprise,  and   to   obtain,    in   dying,    the 
highest  honor  thai  was  ever  acquired  by  a  private  in- 
dividual. 

"If  you  perceive  these  things,  and  doubtless  your 
sagacity  enables  you  to  perceive  them  more  clearly 
than  T,  there  is  no  necessity  for  me  to  say  more  con- 
cerning them  ;  I  request  you  merely  to  regard  two 
important  consequences  which  may  be  deduced 
from  them.  The  first  is,  that  those  maxims_aie.-false 
which  forbid  us  to  anticipate  an  enemy  who  has  de- 
termined to  ruin  us,  and  advise  us  to   wait   until    he 


AGAINST    GENOA.  135 

ruins  himself.     We  deceive   ourselves,   if  we  believe 
that  fortune  raises  to  the  highest  stations  those  whom 
we  hate,  to  give  us  the  pleasure   of  witnessing  their 
fall.     Greatness  is  not   always  surrounded  by  preci- 
pices ;    usurpers  have  not  always   been  unfortunate  ; 
Heaven,  in  fine,  does  not  always,  at  the  expected  mo- 
ment, punish  the  wicked,   that  the  righteous  may   be 
gratified,  and  be  preserved  from  the  injustice  of  those 
who  would   oppress    them.     Nature,   more  infallible 
than  politicians,  teaches  us  to  prevent  the   evil  which 
threatens  us  ;   it  becomes  incurable  while  prudence  is 
deliberating  what  remedy  to  apply.     What  advantage 
shall  we  gain  by  examining,  with  minute  attention,  the 
examples  which  have  been  set  before  us  ^    Is  it   not 
true  that  extreme  subtilty  of  reasoning  enervates  our 
courage,  and  prevents  the  most  glorious  actions  ?  Ev- 
ery course  of  proceeding  bears  two    dififerent  faces  ; 
the  same  politicians,  who  blame  Pompey,  for  strength- 
ening the  power  of  Csesar  by  exasperating  him,  have 
applauded  the  conduct  of  Cicero  in   crushing    Cati- 
line.    The  other  consequence  which  may  be  deduced 
from  these  considerations  is,   that  the    talents  which 
nature  has  given  us  ought  not  to  resemble  those  faint 
and  useless  lights,  which  glimmer   only,    and    do  not 
warm.      They   ought  rather  to  resemble  the  light  of 
the  sun  which  invigorates  what  it  shines  upon.     Ele- 
vated thoughts  should  be  followed  by   great  efl^ects  ; 
and  in  the  execution,  as  well  as  in  the  conception,  of 
this  enterprise,  your  courage  should  meet  with  noth- 
ing to  prevent  you  from  becoming  the  vanquisher   of 


136  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

monsters,  the  avenger  of  crimes,  the  refuge  of  the 
oppressed,  the  ally  of  kings,  and  the  umpire  of  Italy. 
But  if,  at  the  present  moment,  that  semblance  of  lib- 
erty which  is  yet  visible  in  our  republic,  should  pre- 
sent itself  to  your  mind,  1  have  reason  to  fear  that  it 
will  check  the  course  of  your  ambition  ;  for  I  know 
that  a  mind  as  scrupulous  as  yours  and  as  jealous  of 
honor,  will  dread  the  frightful  appellations  of  rebel 
and  traitor. 

''  Yet  these  names  of  infamy,  invented  to  terrify 
vulgar  minds,  attach  no  disgrace  to  those  who  bear 
them  for  extraordinary  and  successful  actions.  Scru- 
ples and  greatness  have  ever  been  incompatible  ;  and 
the  weak  precepts  of  common  prudence  are  bet- 
ter adapted  to  the  school  of  the  vulgar  than  to  that 
of  great  men.  The  crime  of  usurping  a  crown  is  so 
splendid,  that  it  may  well  pass  for  a  virtue.  Every 
condition  of  life  has  its  peculiar  criterion  of  reputa- 
tion. Men  in  inferior  stations  ought  to  be  estimated 
by  their  moderation  ;  the  great,  by  their  courage  and 
ambition.  A  miserable  pirate,  cotemporary  with  Al- 
exander, who  amused  himself  in  capturing  httle  boats, 
passed  for  an  infamous  robber  ;  and  that  great  con- 
queror, who  wrested  kingdoms  from  their  rightful 
sovereigns,  is  yet  applauded  as  a  hero  ;  and  if  Cati- 
line is  condemaed  as  a  traitor,  Caesar  is  applauded  as 
the  greatest  man  that  ever  lived.  In  short,  I  have 
but  to  bring  to  your  mind,  all  the  princes  who  reign 
at  present  in  the  world,  and  ask  you  if  those,  from 
whom  they  inherit  their  thrones,  were  not  usurpers, 


AGAINST    GENOA. 


157 


But  if  these  maxims  offend,  in  the  least,  your  dehca- 
cy  of  principle  ;  if  the  love  of  your  country   glows  in 
your  heart  more   intensely  than  the  love  of  glory  ;   if 
there  yet  exists  in  your  bosom  some  sUght  regard  for 
the  expiring  authority  of  the  republic,  let  us  see  what 
honor  you  will  gain  by  respecting  it,  when  your   ene- 
mies disregard  it  ;    and  whether  it  would  be  for  your 
advantage  to  incur  the  hazard  of  becoming  their  sub- 
ject.    Would  to  God  the  republic  shone  in  its  pristine 
splendor  !  No  person  would  then,  more  earnestly  than 
I,  dissuade  you  from  the  design  which  I  now  recom- 
mend.    If  this  republic,  which  now  enjoys  nothing  of 
liberty  but  the  name,  could   maintain   her   authority, 
feeble  as  it  is,   in  the  condition  we  now  see  it,   1  con- 
fess that  there  would  be  some  reason  for  enduring  our 
misfortunes  with  patience  ;  and  that,  if  it  were  neither 
safe  nor  useful,  it  would  at  least,  be  generous,  to  sac- 
rifice our  personal  interests  to   that   shadowy    image 
which  yet  remains  of  its  liberty  :  but  now,  when   the 
arts  of  Andrew  Doria  have  concentrated   all   the   au- 
thority of  the  republic  in  himself,  and  when  the  arro- 
gance of  Giannetino  has  assumed  the  control  of  all  its 
forces  ;   now,  when  Genoa  has  reached  that  point  of 
time  in  her  existence,  when,  by  that  secret  but  inevi- 
table fatality  which  prescribes  certain  limits    to    the 
duration  of  power,  a  revolution  must   happen  ;    now, 
when  the  minds  of  her  citizens  are  too  much  at  vari- 
ance to  live  longer  under  the   government    of  many  ; 
in  this  extremity,  I  say,  when   we  cannot  banish  tyr- 
anny but  by  establishing  a  legitimate  monarchy,  what 
12* 


138  CONSPIRACY    OP    FIESCO 

shall  we  do  ?  Shall  we  present  our  throats  to  these 
butchers  who,  at  the  same  time,  seek  our  ruin  and 
the  destruction  of  Hberty  ?  Will  the  count  John  Lewis 
Fiesco  witness,  with  patience,  Giannetino  Doria 
proudly  ascending  the  throne  of  his  country,  to  which 
his  ambition  and  good  fortune  encourage  him  to  as- 
pire, without  possessing  a  single  qualification  that  enti- 
tles him  to  it  f  No,  no,  my  lord,  your  courage  must 
contend  for  that  honor,  an  honor  which  is  due  to  you 
alone.  It  is  a  circumstance  at  once  rare  and  desira- 
ble, to  find  oneself  so  situated  as  to  be  impelled,  as 
you  now  are,  by  regard  for  the  public  good  and  your 
own  glory,  to  place  a  crown  on  your  head.  Fear  not 
that  this  action  will  procure  you  the  reputation  of  an 
interested  person  ;  on  the  contrary,  nothing  but  the 
fear  of  danger,  which  is  the  basest  of  all  passions,  can 
prevent  you  from  undertaking  it  ;  and  nothing  but 
the  love  of  glory,  which  is  directly  opposite  to  self- 
interest,  is  capable  of  prompting  you  to  so  noble  a 
design.  If  you  are  so  scrupulous  that  you  cannot  en- 
dure the  appearance  of  blame,  what  shall  prevent 
you  from  restoring  to  your  republic  the  liberty  which 
you  will  have  acquired  for  her  ;  and  from  surrender- 
ing to  her  the  crown  which  you  will  have  so  highly 
deserved  ?  Then  you  will  have  it  in  your  power  to 
display  a  signal  proof  of  the  contempt  with  which 
you  regard  all  motives  of  interest  when  they  have  no 
connection  with  honor. 

"  The  only  remark  which  remains  for  me  to  make 
\o  you  is  that,  in  ray  opinion,  you  ought  not  to  make 


AGAINST    GENOA.  139 

use  of  the  French^  Any  understanding  with  foreign- 
ers is  always  extremely  odious  ;  and,  in  the  present 
conjuncture,  an  understanding  with  the  French  can 
be  of  no  advantage  to  you,  because,  as  Calcagno  has 
observed,  France  is  sufficiently  occupied  in  defend- 
ing herself  against  the  forces  of  the  empire  and  of 
Spain,  which  beset  her  on  every  side  ;  but  even  could 
you  derive  assistance  from  her,  reflect  that  the  change 
in  your  condition  would  be  but  a  change  of  servi- 
tude ;  you  would  become  the  slave  of  France,  when 
you  may  become  her  ally.  Determine,  in  fine, 
whether  it  be  the  proper  course  for  a  man  of  talents, 
of  merit,  and  of  rank  like  yourself,  to  endure  every 
thing  and  submit  to  become  the  victim  of  the  inso- 
lence of  Doria ;  and  determine,  also,  whether  you 
will  hazard  every  thing  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  his 
tyranny,  and  expose  yourself,  without  necessity,  to 
become  the  slave  of  a  foreign  power,  and  remain,  as 
before,  in  the  condition  of  a  private  citizen." 

Raphael  Sacco^  who  acted  as  judge  in  the  domin- 
ions of  the  house  of  Fiesco,  and  who  was  the  third 
invited  to  this  council,  perceiving  that  the  count  in- 
clined decidedly  to  the  sentiments  of  Verrina,  thought 
it  would  be  useless  to  controvert  them  ;  and  believing 
also  that  the  project  would  be  extremely  hazardous, 
he  was  unwilling  to  advise  him  to  undertake  it ;  he 
therefore  did  not  express  his  sentiments  on  the  sub- 
ject, referring  the  decision,  as  to  the  main  design, 
entirely  to  the  pleasure  of  his  master.  He  confined 
himself  to  advising  merely  that,  if  the  enterprise  was 


140  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

resolved  upon,  the  count  ought  to  accept  the  aid  of 
the  French ;  observing  that  it  would  be  gross  impru- 
dence not  to  employ  all  his  credit  and  all  the  troops 
at  his  command  when  he  hazarded  his  whole  fortune  ; 
that  he  could  not  comprehend  why  he  should  be  ad- 
vised to  oppose  himself  singly  to  the  forces  of  the 
empire,  of  Spain  and  of  Italy,  which  would  assuredly 
be  united  against  him ;  that  it  might  be  possible, 
perhaps,  to  gain  possession  of  a  city  by  a  conspiracy, 
but  not  to  acquire  the  control  of  a  state  ;  that  this 
could  not  be  effected  but  in  a  long  course  of  years, 
and  by  means  of  armies  and  allies  ;  and  that  the  idea 
of  seizing  on  the  sovereignly  of  Genoa,  in  the  present 
state  of  European  affairs,  was  a  rash  resolution,  how- 
ever willing  others  might  be  to  disguise  it  under  the 
name  of  a  glorious  enterprise.  Verrina  opposed,  with 
all  his  power,  this  reasoning  of  Raphael  Sacco,  and 
reminded  the  count  of  the  arguments  which  he  had 
urged  on  that  point,  in  his  discourse.  And  he  now 
insisted,  more  earnestly  than  he  had  done,  that  the 
friendship  of  princes  never  outlives  their  interests  ; 
and  that,  although  the  friendship  of  the  house  of  Aus- 
tria to  the  Dorias  seemed  to  be  unchangeable,  because 
the  latter  were  useful  to  the  former,  yet  it  would  end 
as  soon  as  they  ceased  to  be  so.  And  moreover,  if 
the  emperor  should  perceive  the  count  to  be  in  a 
condition  to  assist  or  to  injure  him,  he  would  soon  for- 
get the  services  of  others,  and  solicit  his  friendship. 
But  if  he  invited  the  French  to  assist  him,  besides 
endangering    his    enterprise  by  a  connection  with  a 


AGAINST    GENOA.  141 

people  who  soon  become  weary  of  every   thing,  and 
whose  attention  to  foreign  affairs  is  subject  to  the  fre- 
quent revolutions  which  happen  within  the  kingdom, 
and  depends  on  the  disposition  of  those  who  are  in  of- 
fice, he  would  preclude  all  accommodation  with  the  em- 
peror, whose  power  in  Italy  was  greater  than  theirs.    It 
would  be  in  season  to  solicit  the  aid  of  France,   after 
he  had  ascertained  that  he   could    form  no   alliance 
with  the  emperor.     In  this  case,  it  would  be  so  much 
the  interest  of  the  French  not  to  desert  him  that  they 
would  not  fail  to  assist  him,   because,  while  he   re- 
mained master  of  Genoa,  they  would   be    in  constant 
fear  that  he  would  unite  with  their  enemies,   if  they 
refused    the    assistance  necessary    for    his   defence. 
And  furthp-rmore,  to  ensure  success  there  was  no  ne- 
cessity for  greater  forces  than  those  he  could  furnish 
himself,  for  he  well  knew  that  there    were   but   two 
hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  in  Genoa,  and  that  the  gal- 
lies  of  Giannetino  Doria  were  completely  disarmed. 

These  reasons  convinced  the  count,  because  they 
were  conformable  to  his  natural  incHnation  to  glory, 
and  to  his  greatness  of  soul,  which  deemed  nothing 
difiicult  that  was  honorable.  He  resolved  to  attempt 
the  execution  of  his  design  with  his  own  means,  and 
to  employ  none  but  the  friends  and  adherents  which 
his  illustrious  birth,  his  uncommon  affabihty,  his  pro- 
fuse liberality,  and  all  his  other  good  qualities  had  se- 
cured him. 

There  are  many  persons,  who  have  merit,  courage, 
and  ambition,  and  who  form  general  resolutions  to 


142  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

raise  themselves  to  high  stations,  and  to  improve  their 
condition  in  the  u-orld  ;  but  we  meet  with  few  who, 
having  formed  the^se  resolutions,  know  how  to  choose 
the  proper  mode  to  accomplish  them,  and  who  do  not 
sometimes  relax  in  that  constant  exertion  which  is 
necessary  to  ensure  success ;  or,  when  they  do  exert 
themselves,  it  is  almost  always  at  an  improper  time,  or 
in  an  improper  manner,  and  with  too  much  anxiety 
for  the  result.  And  this  is  so  true  that,  in  affairs  of 
this  nature,  most  men  deliberate  longer  than  is  neces- 
sary before  they  resolve,  but  do  not  allow  themselves 
time  enough  to  execute  their  determinations.  They 
do  not,  in  season,  aim  to  accommodate  their  actions 
to  the  object  they  have  in  view,  to  regulate  all  their 
steps  by  the  plan  they  have  formed,  to  establish  a  rep- 
utation, to  acquire  friends,  nor,  in  short,  to  render  all 
their  conduct  subservient  to  their  principal  design. 
On  the  contrary,  we  often  see  them  suddenly  change 
their  course,  their  minds  seem  agitated  and  over-bur- 
thened  by  the  secret  and  the  weight  of  their  enter- 
prise, and  amidst  the  changes  and  irregularity  of  their 
conduct,  they  say  or  do  something  which  gives  an  ad- 
vantage to  those  who  watch  them,  or  offence  to  their 
enemies. 

The  count  Fiesco  wisely  avoided  these  errors  ; 
for,  conscious  of  an  ardent  desire  for  distinction,  and 
persuaded  that  he  should,  at  some  future  time,  be 
able  to  concentrate  his  general  inclination  upon  some 
particular  design  favorable  to  his  elevation,  this 
thought  assumed  the  entire  mastery  of  his   faculties  ; 


AGAINST    GENOA.  143 

and  as  he  had  naturally  an  incredible   thirst  for  glory 
and  great  address  in  establishing  a  reputation,   he  so 
conducted  himself  that  the  eminent  quahties  he   dis- 
played, seemed  to  proceed  from  his  natural   disposi- 
tion, and  not  to  be  studied  nor  affected.     His  counte-* 
nance  always  appeared  serene,   open,    pleasant,  and 
even  jovial.     He  was  civil  to  every  body,  but  made 
proper  and  flattering  distinctions   according    to  merit 
and  rank  ;  he  was  so  profuse  in  his  liberality  that  he 
anticipated  the  wants  of  his  friends.     Thus  he  gained 
the  poor  by  his  munificence,  and  the  rich  by  his  cour- 
tesy.    He    faithfully  observed  his  engagements  ;    he 
displayed  an  ardor  to  oblige  which  never   remitted  ; 
his  house  was  open   and  his   table    free    to    all   who 
came  ;    he  was  generous  in  all  things  even  to  excess  ; 
and  no  one  was  ever  so  firmly  persuaded  as   he  that 
avarice,  reserve,  and  pride,   obscure  the  most  shining 
qualities  of  great  men.     But  what  gave  an  extraordi- 
nary lustre  to    those   he   possessed    was   the   manly 
beauty  of  his  person  and  his  graceful   and   dignified 
manners,  which  attested  his  illustrious  birth,   and  en- 
gaged the  esteem  and  respect  of  all. 

This  behavior  secured,  to  that  degree,  the  affec- 
tions of  his  friends,  that  not  one  of  those,  who  prom- 
ised to  serve  him,  were  unfaithful  Br  ii^4isereet — an 
extraordinary  circumstance,  indeed,  in  a  conspiracy, 
where  so  many  actors  and  so  much  secrecy  are  nec- 
essary that,  even  should  no  one  prove  unfaithful,  it 
would  be  remarkable  that  no  one  should  be  impru- 
dent.    But  it  is  still  more  wonderful  that  his  conduct, 


144  CONSPIRACY    OF   FIESCO 

though  uniformly  such  as  I  have  described,  and  ob- 
served by  his  enemies,  did  not  excite  their  distrust  ; 
they  believing  that  whatever  was  too  ostentatious  in 
his  behavior  should  be  attributed  rather  to  his  natural 
disposition  than  to  any  particular  design  he  had 
formed. 

This,  without  doubt,  was  one  of  the  causes  that  in- 
duced Andrew  Doria  to  slight  the   information,  con- 
cerning the  enterprise,  which  he  received  from  Fer- 
dinand Gonzague  and  two  or  three  others  :  I  say  one 
of  the  causes,  for,  although  the   behavior  of  Fiesco 
contributed  to  lull  the  suspicion  of  this  old  politician, 
who  was  exceedingly  jealous  of  his  authority,   there 
must,  nevertheless,  have  been  some  other  cause    for 
this  extraordinary  blindness.     But   it    is   difficult    to 
discover  what  it  was,  unless  we  refer  to  an  overruling 
providence,  which  delights  in  showing   the    vanity   of 
human  prudence,  and  in  confounding  the  presumption 
of  those  who  flatter  themselves  they   can    divine    the 
most  secret  thoughts  of  men,  and  judge,    with  iofalli- 
ble  certainty,  of  all   human  actions.     This  presump- 
tion is  never  more  ridiculous  than  in  those  great  ge- 
niuses whom   continued   study,   profound   meditation 
and  long  experience  have  raised  so  high  above  com- 
mon men,  and   inflated   with   such    self-conceit,  that 
they  rely  implicitly  upon  their  own  judgment,   in  the 
most  intricate  affairs,  and  listen  to  the  advice  of  oth- 
ers only  to  despise  it.     It  is  certain  that  most  of  those 
extraordinary  men,   whom  others  consult  as  oracles, 
and  who,  in  matters  which  do  not  concern  them,  have 


AGAINST    GENOA.  145 

a  quick  insight  into  futurity,  are  almost  always  blind 
in  regard  to  their  own  interests.  They  are  more 
unfortunate  than  others,  for  they  will  not  be  guid- 
ed either  by  their  own  reason  or  by  that  of  their 
friends. 

The  act  of  generosity,  which  most  augmented  the 
partisans  of  Fiesco  among  the  people,  was  that  of  af- 
fording relief  to  the  silk-spinners,  who  constituted  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  Genoa. 
They,  at  that  time,  suffered  extremely  from  want  oc- 
casioned by  the  recent  wars.  The  count,  apprised 
by  their  consul  of  their  miserable  condition,  evinced 
much  compassion  for  their  poverty,  and  requested 
him  to  send  to  his  palace  those  who  had  the  most 
need  of  assistance.  He  supplied  them  Hberally  with 
money  and  provisions,  and  requested  them  to  say 
nothing  of  the  presents  he  gave  them,  as  he  desired  no 
other  reward  than  the  internal  satisfaction  he  derived 
from  relieving  the  afflicted.  In  dispensing  his  bounty, 
he  displayed  all  the  courteousness  and  obliging  civil- 
ity which  was  natural  to  him,  and  gained  so  entirely 
the  hearts  of  these  poor  people,  that  ever  afterwards, 
they  were  wholly  devoted  to  his  service. 

But  if,  by  his  generosity,  he  gained  the  esteem  and 
love  of  the  lower  class  of  citizens,  he  did  not  forget  to 
secure  the  good  will  of  those  at  the  head  of  this  class, 
by  the  praises  of  liberty  which  he  often,  with  much 
address,  introduced  into  his  discourse.  From  this 
they  inferred  that,  although  he  belonged  to  the  nobil- 
ity, he  was  too  reasonable  and  just  not  to  feel  a  lively 
13 


146 


CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 


compassion  for  the   people   groaning    under   the  op- 
pression of  their  rulers. 

There  are  some  who  accuse  the  republic  of  indis- 
cretion on  this  occasion,  and  maintain  that  it  was  ex- 
tremely imprudent,  in  the  senate,    to  suffer  the  count 
thus  to  conciliate  every  body,  and  to  take  such  means 
to  gain  the    hearts  of  his    fellow-citizens.     I  cannot 
deny  that  the  maxim,    on    which    this  accusation  is 
founded,  has  been  considered  correct  by  subtle    and 
refined  politicians  :  its  object  being  to  prevent  private 
individuals   from    acquiring   great  influence,   it   may, 
with  some  reason,  be  thought  that   its   effect  will  be 
to  promote  the  general  safety  ;  but  I  am  convinced 
it  is  an  erroneous  maxim,  for  it  changes  the  nature  of 
good  qualities,  rendering  them  hurtful   or   dangerous 
to  the  possessor.     I  consider  it  even  pernicious,    be- 
cause, exposing  merit  to  suspicion,  it  stifles  the  seeds 
of  virtue,  and  creates  such  a  disgust  for  the  pursuit  of 
glory,  that  men  will  not  zealously  undertake   to    per- 
form meritorious  actions,  and  will  be  diverted,  by  the 
fear  of  offending  the  government,    from  those  which 
might  be  useful  to  the  state.     It  happens,   also,  that, 
instead  of  confining  bold  and  intrepid  men  within  the 
limits  of  that  equality  which  it  inculcates,  it  sometimes 
impels  them  to  give  a  freer  course  to  their  ambition, 
and  to  take  violent  measures   to    relieve   themselves 
from  restraint  so  tyrannical. 

The  count  did  not  rely  so  implicitly  upon  the  good 
will  of  the  populace  as  to  neglect  to  secure  the  aid  of 
soldiers,  who  are  essentially  necessary  in  enterprises 


AGAINST    GENOA.  147 

of  this  nature.  In  the  beginning  of  the  summer,  he 
left  Genoa,  apparently  to  visit  his  estates,  but  in  real- 
ity to  ascertain  what  number  of  men  who  had  served 
in  war,  could  be  found  among  his  vassals,  and  to  train 
them  in  martial  exercises,  upon  the  pretence  that  he 
apprehended  an  attack  from  the  duke  of  Placentia. 
He  wished  also  to  give  the  necessary  orders  for  exe- 
cuting the  design  he  had  formed,  of  introducing  se- 
cretly, and  at  the  proper  time,  a  number  of  his  parti- 
sans into  Genoa,  and  to  ascertain  the  sentiments  of 
the  duke,  who  engaged  to  furnish  him  two  thousand 
of  his  best  troops. 

The  count,  returning  about  the  end  of  autumn,  con- 
tinued to  behave  as  he  had  done,  and  moreover  prac- 
tised a  profound  dissimulation,  in  regard  to  the  family 
of  Doria  ;  professing,  on  every  occasion,  a  great 
veneration  for  Andrew,  and  cordial  friendship  for 
Giannetino.  His  motive  was  to  convince  the  world 
that  their  recent  divisions  were  entirely  adjusted,  and 
to  show  them  that  his  friendship  was  sincere,  and 
might  be  rehed  on. 

If  it  is  true  that  the  count,  on  the  day  of  the  exe- 
cution of  his  enterprise,  said  that  he  had  long  before 
been  informed  that  Giannetino  had  resolved  on  his  ru- 
in, and  that  this  violent  and  wicked  man,  who  was 
kept  in  restraint  only  by  Andrew,  perceiving  that  his 
uncle  was  subject  to  dangerous  infirmities,  had  com- 
manded captain  Lercaro  to  despatch  all  who  belong- 
ed to  the  family  of  FTesco,  the  moment  he  should 
die  ;  that  he  had  authentic  letters  by  which  he  could 


148  CONSPIRACY    OF   FIESCO 

prove,  that  this  same  Giannetino  had  attempted, 
three  several  times,  to  poison  him  ;  and  that  he  was, 
besides,  assured  that  the  emperor  intended  to  confer 
on  him  the  sovereignty  of  Genoa  ;  if,  I  say,  all  this 
is  true,  I  do  not  think  the  dissimulation  of  the  count 
can  justly  be  blamed ;  for,  when  life  or  the  safety  of 
our  country  is  at  stake,  frankness  is  a  virtue  out  of 
season,  nature  teaching  us,  by  the  instinct  of  the  smal- 
lest animals,  that,  in  such  extremities,  the  use  of 
stratagem  to  preserve  ourselves  from  danger,  and  our 
country  from  oppression,  is  justifiable  and  proper. 

But  if  the  accusations  of  the  count  wore  only  calum- 
nies against  the  family  of  Doria,  invented  to  justify 
his  designs,  and  to  exasperate  the  people,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  these  false  tokens  of  friendship,  indica- 
tive of  so  much  affection,  were  artifices  unworthy  of 
bis  great  courage.  And  it  would,  without  doubt,  be 
difficult  to  justify  such  conduct,  except  by  the  neces- 
sity which  the  power  and  insolence  of  Giannetino  im- 
posed upon  him  to  behave  in  this  manner. 

The  count  had  bought  four  gallies,  which  he  main- 
tained, under  the  name  of  his  brother  Jerome,  with 
funds  furnished  by  the  pope.  Convinced  that  the 
step  most  essential  to  the  success  of  his  design  was  to 
render  himself  master  of  the  port,  he  ordered  one  of 
these  gallies  to  Genoa,  pretending  that  he  intended 
to  despatch  it,  on  a  cruise,  to  the  Levant  ;  and,  at 
the  same  time,  he,  without  exciting  suspicion,  intro- 
duced into  the  city,  a  party  of  soldiers  who  came 
ftom  his  estates,  and  from  the  duchy  of  Piacentia, 


AGAINST    GENOA.  149 

some  of  them  passing  for  soldiers  of  the  garrison, 
some  for  adventurers  in  quest  of  employment,  some 
for  sailors,  and  many  even  for  galley  slaves. 

Verrina  artfully  dispersed,  among  the  companies 
belonging  to  the  city,  fifteen  or  twenty  soldiers  who 
were  vassals  of  the  count,  and  corrupted  others  be- 
longing 10  the  garrison.  He  obtained,  from  persons 
of  the  most  enterprise  and  and  influence  among  the 
people,  promises  of  every  assistance  they  could  ren- 
der, to  execute  a  design  which,  as  he  told  them,  he 
had  formed  against  some  of  their  enemies.  Calcag- 
no  and  Sacco,  on  their  part,  labored  with  diligence 
and  industry  ;  and  I  cannot  better  describe  the  ad- 
dress, with  which  these  four  persons  managed  this 
enterprise,  than  by  saying  that,  without  disclosing 
the  real  object  to  any  one,  they  engaged  in  their  ser- 
vice more  than  ten  thousand  me«.    - 

Matters  being  thus  arranged,  nothing  remained  but 
to  select  a  day  for  the  execution  of  the  enterprise  ; 
and  this  was  found  somewhat  difficult.  Verrina  was 
of  opinion  that  the  two  Dorias,  Adam  Centurione, 
and  such  of  the  nobility  as  were  attached  to  that  par- 
ty, should  be  invited  to  attend  a  mass  to  be  celebrated 
by  a  priest  of  distinction,  being  the  first  time  he  offi- 
ciated, when  it  was  usual  to  invite  persons  of  rank  to 
be  present ;  and  he  offered  to  kill  them  himself. 
This  proposition  was  instantly  rejected  by  the  count, 
who,  struck  with  horror,  exclaimed  that  he  would 
never  consent  to  profane  the  holiest  mystery  of  his 
religion  to  facilitate  the  success  of  his  design.     It  was 

"" ra*— - ~- ■~-^-~" 


150  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

then  proposed  that  they  should  take  the    opportunity 
..of  the  marriage  of  a  sister  of  Giannetino  Doria  with 
^v^A.-^^^ius    Cibo,  marquis  of  Massa,  a  brother-in-law   of 
|6  '      the  count  ;   and  they  concluded  their   design   could 
then  be  executed  with  ease,  as  the  count  would  have 
a  pretence  for  inviting  all  the  relations  of  that  family 
to  an  entertainment,  where  he  might  massacre   them 
at  once.     But  the  generous  feelings  of  the  count,  as 
many  assert,  and  as  may  be  easily  believed  of  a  man 
of  his  disposition,   impelled    him    also   to  reject  the 
practice  of  such  treachery  ;   yet  the  partisans  of  Do- 
ria have  asserted  that  he  had  determined  to  make  use 
of  this  opportunity,  but  that  Giannetino  being  obliged, 
on  that  day,  to  leave  Genoa  on  business,  he  altered  his 
purpose.     At  length,   after    much   deliberation,    the 
night  of  the  second  of  January   was  selected,   and  to 
this  effect  the  necessary^  orders  were  judiciously  giv- 
en, Verrina,    Calcagno    and    Sacco  directing  those 
they  had  engaged.     The  count  caused  a  great  quan- 
tity of  arms  to  be  brought  to  his  house  ;    he  sent  per- 
sons to  examine  the  posts  of  which  he  had  resolved  to 
take  possession  ;  he  introduced,  by  small  numbers  at 
a  time,  and  without  noise,  into  a  building  contiguous 
to  his  palace,  the  soldiers  who  were  destined  to  ex- 
ecute the  first  part  of  the  enterprise  ;    and    the    day 
having  arrived,    he,   to   conceal  his  design,   visited 
many  of  his  friends,  and  even  went,   in   the   evening, 
to  the  palace  of  Doria.     There,  observing   the^^hil- 
dren  of  Giannetino,  he  took  them  one  by  one  in  his 
arms,  and  caressed  them  a  long  time,  in  the  presence 


AGAINST    GENOA.  l51 

of  their  father,  whom  he  requested  to  give  orders  to 
the  commander  of  his  gaUies  not  to  interpose  any  ob- 
stacle to  the  departure  of  his  own  galley,  which  was 
to  set  sail,  that  evening,  lor  the  Levant.  He  took 
leave  of  him,  with  the  ordinary  civilities  ;  and,  when 
returning  home,  he  stopped  at  the  house  of  Thomas 
Assereto,-  where  he  found  upwards  of  thirty  gentlemen 
wiio  were  popular  in  the  city,  and  whom  Verrina  had 
the  address  to  collect  at  that  place.  These  he  invited 
to  sup  with  him  at  his  palace.  He  then  sent  Verrina 
throughout  the  city,  to  the  senate  house,  and  to  the 
palace  of  Doria,  to  ascertain  whether  any  one  had 
knowledge  or  suspicion  of  his  design  ;  and  after  hav- 
ing learned  that  every  thing  was  quiet  as  usual,  he 
gave  orders  that  the  doors  of  his  palace  should  be 
shut,  that  all  should  nevertheless  be  admitted,  who 
expressed  a  wish  to  see  him,  but  that  no  one  should 
be  permitted  to  go  out. 

Perceiving  that  those  whom  he  had  invited  as 
guests  were  extremely  surprised  to  find,  instead  of  a 
feast  which  they  expected,  nothing  but  arms,  jiersons 
unknown  to  them,  and  soldiers,  he  requested  them  to 
repair  to  a  large  hall,  where,  displaying  in  his  counte- 
nance a  lofty  and  confident  courage,  he  thus  addres- 
sed them  : 

"  My  friends,  it  is  too  much  to  endure  the  insolence 
of  Giannetino,  and  the  tyranny  of  Andrew  Doria.  If 
we  wish  to  secure  our  hves  and  our  liberty  from  the 
danger  which  threatens  them,  we  have  not  a  moment 
to  lose.     Is  there  one  here  who  can  be  ignorant,  that 


152  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

the  republic  is  in  imminent  peril?  To  what  use,  do 
you  imagine,  are  destined  the  twenty  galhes  that  be- 
siege your  harbor  ?  For  what  purpose  have  so  many 
troops  been  collected,  so  many  arrangements  made  ? 
Behold  them  ready  to  triumph  over  our  patience,  and 
to  raise  their  unjust  authority  upon  the  ruins  of  the 
state.  We  must  no  longer  deplore  our  sufferings  in 
secret  ;  we  must  hazard  every  thing  to  obtain  dehv- 
erance.  As  the  distemper  is  violent,  so  also  must  be 
the  remedy  ;  and  if  the  fear  of  falling  into  a  state  of 
degrading  servitude  can  have  any  effect  upon  your 
minds,  it  is  incumbent  on  you  to  make  an  effort  to 
break  your  chains,  and  to  anticipate  those  who  wish 
to  fasten  them  forever  upon  you  ;  for  I  cannot  imag- 
ine that  you  are  capable  of  enduring  any  longer  the 
injustice  of  the  uncle,  and  the  arrogance  of  the 
nephew.  I  do  not  believe,  I  say,  that  there  is  one 
among  you  of  a  temper  to  submit  to  those  as  masters, 
who  ought  to  be  content  to  be  your  equals.  Even 
were  we  regardless  of  the  safety  of  the  republic,  we 
cannot  be  of  our  own.  Each  one  of  us  has  too  many 
wrongs  to  revenge  ;  and  our  vengeance  will  be,  at 
the  same  time,  legitimate  and  glorious  ;  for  our  pri- 
vate resentments  mingle  with  our  zeal  for  the  public 
good,  and  we  cannot  abandon  our  own  interests  with- 
out betraying  those  of  our  country.  It  depends  upon 
you  alone  to  secure  her  safety,  and  your  own  ;  you 
have  only  to  resolve  to  be  happy,  and  you  will  be  so. 
I  have  provided  against  every  thing  which  could  ob- 
struct your  success  ;  1  have  opened  to  you  the  career 


AGAINST    GENOA.  153 

of  glory,  and  I  am  ready  to  show  you  the  way,  if  you 
are  disposed  to  follow.  These  preparations  which 
you  witness,  ought,  at  this  time,  to  animate  you  more 
than  they  have  surprised  you  ;  and  the  astonishment 
which  I  observed,  at  first,  on  your  countenance,  ought 
to  change  to  the  glorious  resolution  to  employ,  with 
vigor,  these  arras  to  effect  the  destruction  of  our  com- 
mon enemies,  and  the  establishment  of  our  indepen- 
dence. I  should  insult  your  courage,  if  I  imagined 
you  capable,  after  seeing  these  arms,  of  hesitating,  an 
instant,  what  use  you  ought  to  make  of  them.  Suc- 
cess is  rendered  sure  by  the  perfect  arrangements  I 
have  made  ;  it  will  be  beneficial  from  the  advantages 
you  will  receive;  it  will  be  just  by  reason  of  the  op- 
pressions you  endure  ;  and  it  will,  in  fine,  be  glori- 
ous from  the  grandeur  of  the  enterprise.  I  could 
prove,  by  these  letters  which  you  now  see,  that  the 
emperor  has  promised  to  bestow  on  Andrew  Doria, 
the  sovereignty  of  Genoa,  and  that  he  is  prepared  to 
execute  his  promise.  I  could  show,  by  other  letters 
which  1  have  in  my  possession,  that  Giannetino  has 
attempted,  three  several  times,  to  suborn  wretches  to 
poison  me.  It  would  be  easy  to  convince  you  that 
he  has  given  orders  to  Lercaro  to  assassinate  me  and 
all  my  family,  the  instant  his  uncle  dies.  But  the 
knowledge  of  these  treacherous  intentions,  detestable 
and  infamous  as  they  are,  would  add  nothing  to  the 
horror  with  which  you  already  regard  these  monsters. 
Methinks  I  see  your  eyes  sparkle  with  that  noble  ar-^ 
dor  which  demands  honorable  vengeance.    I  perceive 


154  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

you  are  more  impatient  than  I  to  give  entire  license  to 
your  resentment,  to  secure  your  property,  your  re- 
pose, and  the  honor  of  your  families.  Let  us  then, 
ray  dear  fellow  citizens,  save  the  reputation  of  Genoa  ; 
let  us  preserve  the  independence  of  our  country  ;  and 
let  us  show  the  whole  world  that  there  yet  exists,  in 
this  republic,  good  men  who  have  the  heart  to  bring 
tyrants  to  destruction." 

This  discourse  astonished  the  assembly,  but  as  al- 
most all  of  them  were  ardent  in  their  attachment  to 
the  count,  and  as  some  of  them,  in  addition  to  this  at- 
tachment, felt  exalted  hopes  of  advantage  in  case  the 
enterprise  succeeded,  and  others  feared  his  resent- 
ment if  they  refused  to  follow  his  fortunes,  they  prom- 
ised to  serve  him  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  Two 
only  of  the  whole  number,  either  because  their  peace- 
ful occupations  or  timorous  dispositions  rendered  them 
incapable  (as  they  said)  of  serving  in  an  enterprise 
where  many  dangers  were  to  be  encountered  and 
many  murders  committed,  or  because  they  felt  a  sin- 
cere attachment  to  the  family  of  Doria,  or  some  of  his 
party,  which  they  concealed  under  the  appearance  of 
timidity,  prayed  to  be  excused  from  engaging  in  the 
project.  The  count  urged  them  no  farther,  but  con- 
tented himself  with  confining  them  to  deprive  them 
of  the  power  of  reveahng  his  design.  The  mildness 
with  which  he  treated  these  two  persons  prevents  me 
from  believing,  what  several  historians,  hostile  to  his 
reputation,  have  published,  that  in  his  discourse  to 
the  assembly  he  uttered  nothing  but  threats   against 


AGAINST    GENOA.  155 

those  who  should  refuse  to   assist  him  ;    and  I  think 
we  may,  with  reason,  form  the  same  opinion,   in    re- 
gard to  the  impious  and  cruel  expressions,  which  they 
accuse  him  of  having  used,  on  the  evening  of  the  ex- 
ecution of  his  enterprise.     For  is    it  probable  that  a 
man  of  his  condition,  born  with  an   ardent   inclination 
to  acquire  glory,  could  have  permitted    his    passions 
to  betray  him  into  the  use  of  expressions  which  can- 
not be  recollected  but  with  horror,  and   which   could 
not,  in  any  manner,  have  been  useful  to  his  designs  ? 
However  the  fact  may  be,  as  soon  as  he  had  finished 
his  address  to  the  assembly,    and  explained  to   them 
the  arrangements  he  had   made,   he  repaired  to  the 
apartment  of  his  wife.     As  she   suspected    that    the 
great  preparations  which  had  been  made  in  the   pal- 
ace, were  destined,  by  her    husband,    for  some  dan- 
gerous enterprise,  he  foiind  her  in  tears.     He  there- 
fore thought  that  he  ought  no  longer  to  conceal  from 
her  his  intentions,   but   he  endeavored  to    calm    her 
apprehensions  by  all  the  arguments  he  could   devise, 
representing    to    her  how  far  he  had  proceeded,  and 
that  it  was  impossible  now  to  retreat.     She  made  all 
imaginable  efforts  to  divert  him  from  his  undertaking, 
exerting  all  the   influence  which    his  affection    gave 
her  over  iiis  mind.     But  neither   her    tears  nor   her 
prayers  could  shake  his  resolution.     Paul  Pansa,  who 
had  been  his  tutor,  and  for  whom  he  felt  a  high  ven- 
eration, united  with  the  countess,  and  omitted  nothing 
to  recal  him  to  the  observance  of  the  duties  of  a  good 
citizen,  nor  to  convince  him   of  the  hazard  he  incur- 


156  CONSPIRACY    OF   FIESCO 

red  in  pursuing  his  object.     The   count  was  as  little 
influenced  by  the  advice  of  his  tutor,  as  he  had  been  by 
the  caresses  and  tears  of  his  wife.     He  had  (as  is  said 
of  Cassar)  passed    the    Rubicon ;    and,    returning  to 
the  hall,  where  he  had  left  his  guests,   he    gave    the 
last  orders  for  the  execution  of  his    enterprise.     He 
commanded  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  chosen  from 
the  whole  body  of  soldiers,  to  go  that  part  of  the  city 
called  the  Burough,  whither  he  was  to  follow  them, 
accompanied  by  the  nobility.    He  ordered  Cornelius, 
his  illegitimate  brother,  as  soon  as  they  had    arrived 
at  the  Burough,    to  take  thirty  of  this   number,  and 
gain  possession  of  the  gate  of  the  arch.     Jerome  and 
Ottoban,  his  brothers,  with  Vincent  Calcagno,  were 
directed  to  take  possession  of  that  of  St.  Thomas,  at 
the  instant  they  heard  the  cannon  of  Fiesco's  galley. 
This  galley  was  commanded  by  Verrina,    and  was  in 
readiness  to  close  the  entrance  into  the  dock,   and  to 
invest  the  gate  of  Doria's  palace.     The  count  was  to 
repair,  by  land,   to  this  gate,  after  having,  with  as  lit- 
tle noise  as  possible,  placed,  on  his  way,  detachments 
at  St.  Andrew's  and  St.  Donat's  arches,    and  at  the 
square  des  Sauvages.     Thomas  Assereto  was  com- 
manded to  seize  this   gate,   giving    the   countersign, 
which   he  could  easily  know,  as  he  held  an  office  un- 
der Giannetino  Doria.     As  this  was  the  most  impor- 
tant part  of  the  enterprise,  because,  if  it  did  not  suc- 
ceed, those  who  were  in  the  count's  galley  could  have 
no  communication  with  the  other  conspirators,  it  was 
thought   expedient,    to  ensure    success,   that  Scipio 


AGAINST    GENOA.  15T 

Borgognino,  one  of  the  count's  vassals  and  an  intrepid 
soldier,  should  force   his  way,    with  armed  feluccas, 
into  the  dock,  and  land  on  that   side,  at  the   moment 
when   Asserelo  should  make  the  attack  on  the  other. 
It  was  also  determined  that,  as  soon   as    Jerome^^nJL- 
Ottoban  Fiesco  had  become  masters  of  St.  Thomas' 
gate,  whlcB    was   near    Doria's   palace,  one  of  them 
should  force  his  way  into  the  palace,  and  kill  Andrew 
and  Giannetino ;  and  as  there  was  reason   to   believe 
that  Giannetino,  awakened  by  the  noise  at  the   gates, 
might  throw  himself  into   Lewis    Juha's   felucca   and 
hasten  thither  to  give  orders,   three    armed    feluccas 
were  stationed  there  to  prevent  it.      To  these  partic- 
ular orders  a  general   one   was    added,    that    all   the 
conspirators  should  call  to  the  people  with   the  name 
of  Fiesco,  and  cry  Liberty^  in  order  that  those   citi- 
zens, of  whose  attachment  they    were    well   assured, 
might  not  be  deceived,  and  that,    knowing  the  count 
was  the  leader  of  the  enterprise,  they  might  join  his 
party. 

It  is  not  easy  to  decide  whether  it  would  not  have 
been  more  advantageous  and  safe  to  have  kept  united 
in  one  body  all  these  troops,  who  were  despatched  to 
positions  distant  from  each  other.  Their  number  was 
sufficiently  large  to  authorise  the  belief  that,  if  they 
had  entered  the  city  at  one  place,  they  would  have 
driven  all  before  them,  and  would,  wherever  they 
went,  have  induced  the  people  to  join  the  victorious 
party  ;  but,  being  divided,  they  could  act  but  feebly, 
were  liable  to  commit  mistakes,  and  to  be  defeated > 
14 


158  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

one  division  after  another  ;  for  nothing  is  more    true 
than  that  it  requires   unconanion    exactness  to    assign 
the  precise  moment  for  several  combined  attacks,  and 
unusual    good    fortune  for  all  to  succeed  alike.     On 
these  occasions,  so  many  arms   and   so    many   heads 
must  concur  in  the  same  action,  that  the    least   error 
in  one  often  disconcerts  all  the  rest, .  as  the    disorder 
of  a  single  wheel  may  stop  the  motion  of  the  greatest 
machine.     And  furthermore  it  would  be  very  surpris- 
ing if,  in  the  night  and  amidst  the  tumult  which  gene- 
rally accompanies  attempts  of  this    kind,    either  the 
courage  or  the  discretion  of  some  one  of  the  conspi- 
rators should  not  fail  him,  and  that,  dreading  the  dan- 
ger which  was  near  more  than  that  which  was  remote, 
he  should  not  repent  his  engagement ;    but  when  all 
march  in  a  body,  example  animates   and   encourages 
the  most  timid,  who  are  drawn  onward  by  the  multi- 
tude, and  do  from  necessity  what  the  brave   do   from 
courage. 

Those  who  adopt  the  opposite  opinion  maintain 
that,  in  enterprises  of  this  kind  which  are  executed 
by  night,  in  a  city  where  the  conspirators  act  in  con- 
cert with  many  others,  where  most  of  the  inhabitants 
are  favorably  disposed,  and  where  they  may  gain 
possession  of  the  principal  posts  before  their  enemies 
are  in  a  condition  to  contend  with  them,  it  is  more 
advisable  to  form  several  parties,  and  make  separate 
attacks,  in  many  places ;  because,  by  giving,  at  the 
smne  time,  several  alarms,  in  distant  parts,  those  who 
acton  the  defensive  are  obliged  to  divide  their  forces, 


AGAINST    GENOA.  159 

without  knowing  how  many  to  detach,  and  the  terror, 
which  these  sudden  alarms  generally  occasion,  is  much 
greater  when  the  noise  proceeds  from    every  quarter 
than  when  attention  is  called    to  only   one  ;    besides, 
where  the  streets  are    narrow,   like  those    of  Genoa, 
a  small  number  can  effect  all  that  a  larger   can,   and 
ten  men,  attacked  in    front,   with    the  help  of  a  slight 
barricade,  may  stop  a  hundred  times  as  many  of  the 
bravest  soldiers,  and  gain  time  for  those  who  are  be- 
hind to  rally.     In    fine,  those  who  are  of  this  opinion 
think  that,  in  an  enterprise  like  this,  it  is  less  advanta- 
geous to  the  conspirators,  they  having  the  good  will  of 
a  majority  of  the  citizens,  to  unite   their  forces  in  one 
body,    than  to  disperse  them  into  different  parts  of  the 
city  ;    hecause  then  the   whole    are   aroused  at  once, 
and  they  take  arms  the  more  readily  when  they  per- 
ceive others  do  the  same,  and  are   more   capable    of 
rendering  service  when  they  act  with   regular  troops 
and  have  persons  of  credit  to  lead  them. 

All  these  reasons  being  impartially  considered,  it  is 
my  opinion  that  the  count  conducted  judiciously  ;  for 
it  appears  to  me  that,  on  this  occasion,  he  had 
less  reason  than  is  commonly  the  case  to  fear 
the  inconveniences  just  mentioned.  His  party  was 
composed,  not  merely  of  soldiers  and  nobles,  but  also 
of  a  multitude  of  citizens,  upon  whose  attachment  he 
relied  ;  so  that,  having  numerous  friends  in  all  parts 
of  Genoa,  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  garrison, 
which  was  extremely  weak,  and  those  who  were  not 
friendly  to  him,  could  not  oppose  any  obstacle  to  the 


160  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

success  of  his  design,  nor  make  sufficient  resistance 
to  dishearten  those  who  sliould  join  his  party.  For 
these  reasons,  when  he  left  his  pahice,  he  divided  his 
men  according  to  the  plan  he  had  devised  ;  and,  at 
the  moment  wh(m  the  report  of  the  cannon  on  board 
his  galley,  which  had  been  appointed  as  the  signal, 
was  heard,  Cornehus  surprised  the  guard  stationed. at 
the  gate  of  the  arch,  and  gained  possession  of  it  with- 
out difficulty.  Ottoban  j.Lid  Jexonve,  brothers  of  the 
count,  accompanied  by  Calcagno  and  sixty  soldiers, 
found  more  resistance  at^St.  Thomas'  Gate,  where 
Captain  Sebastian  Lercaro,  and  his  brother,  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  maintained  their  post.  But  the  latter 
being  killed,  and  the  former  taken,  and  some  of  their 
men,  who  had  been  previously  gained,  having  declar^ 
ed  in  favor  of  Fiesco,  the  guard  fled,  abandoning 
their  post  to  the  conspirators.  Giannetino  Doria, 
awakened  either  by  the  tumult  at  the  gate,  or  by  the 
outcry  which,  at  the  same  time,  was  made  in  the 
harbor,  rose  in  haste  ;  and  accompanied  only  by  a 
page,  who  carried  a  flambeau  before  him,  he  ran  to 
St.  Thomas'  gate,  where,  being  recognized  by  the 
conspirators,  he  was  killed  as  soon  as  he  arrived. 

This  precipitancy  of  Giannetino  saved  Andrew 
Doria's  life,  and  gave  him  time  to  mount  a  horse  and 
retire ^(teen  miles  from  Genoa  ;  for  Jerome,  who  had 
been  directed  by  his  brother  to  force  the  palace  of 
Doria,  the  instant  he  was  master  of  St.  Thomas'  gate, 
seeing  that  Giannetino  was  killed,  preferred  the  pre-» 
^ervatioa  of  the  immense   riches  which  were  in   tha 


AGAINST    GENOA. 


161 


palace,  and  which  he  could  not  easily  have  saved 
from  the  soldiers,  to  the  capture  of  Andrew  Doria, 
whom  he  considered  an  inefficient  old  man,  that  it 
would  be  useless  to  sacrifice. 

In  the  midst  of  these  occurrences  at  the  gate  of 
St.  Thomas,  Assereto  and  Scipio  Borgognino  execu- 
ted the  orders  which  had  been  given  them  with  com- 
plete success.  They  killed  all  who  made  any  resist- 
ance at  the  gate  by  the  dock,  and  pressed  the  rest 
with  such  vigor  that  they  had  not  time  to  rally,  and 
at  last  they  took  possession  of  that  important  post. 

The  count,  after  having,  on  his  way,  posted  detach- 
ments at  the  places  he  considered  the  most  impor- 
tant, arrived  at  the  dock,  the  entrance  to  which  he 
found  unobstructed,  and  joined  Verrina,  who  had  al- 
ready, with  his  galley,  attacked  those  of  prince  Do- 
ria. They  were  almost  destitute  of  arms,  and  he 
took  possession  of  them  with  ease ;  but  fearing  that, 
in  this  confusion,  the  crew  of  the  admiral's  galley, 
where  he  heard  considerable  noise,  would  rise  upon 
their  guard,  he  hastened  to  give  orders  concerning 
it ;  and,  when  he  was  on  the  point  of  entering  that 
galley,  the^pjank  on  which  he  passed  overturned,  and 
he  fell  into  the  sea.  His  armor,  which  was  heavy, 
and  the  mud,  which  in  this  place  was  deep,  prevent- 
ed him  from  rising  again  to  the  surface  :  and  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night,  and  the  noise  on  every  side,  con- 
cealed from  those  around  him  all  knowledge  of  the 
accident  ;  so  that,  without  knowing  the  loss  they 
had  sustained,  they  continued  their  ei^ertions,  and 
14* 


162  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

at  length  gained  possession  of  the  harbor  and  the  gal- 
lies. 

Ottoban,  who,  after  executing  the  duty  first  assign- 
ed him,  had  repaired  to  this  place,  remained  there  to 
command  ;     and   Jerome,    who    had    followed    him, 
posting  Vincent  Calcagno  at  the  gate  of  St.  Thomas, 
left  tlie  harbor,  with  two  hundred  men,  to  arouse  the 
populace  in  the  streets,  and  rally  around  him  as  many 
as  he  could.     Verrina  did  the  same  in  another  direc- 
tion, and  both  having  collected  a  multitude  of  people, 
no  one  dared  to  appear  without  declaring  for  Fiesco. 
The  greater  part  of  the  nobility  remained  shut   up   at 
home  during  the  commotion,  each  fearing  the  plunder 
of  his  house  ;    the    most    courageous   repaired  to  the 
senate  house,  accompanied  by  the  imperial  ambassa- 
dor, who  was  on  the  point  of  flying  from  the  city,  but 
was  prevented  by  the  remonstrances  of  Paul  Lasag- 
na,  a  man  much  respected  by  the  people.     Cardinal 
Doria,  and  Adam  Centurione  went  thither  also,  and 
they,  with  Nicholas  Franco,Jlhe  chief  of  the  republic, 
there  being  then  no  duke,  resolved   to  despatch  Bon- 
iface Lomellino,  Christopher  Pallavicini,  and  Antho-_ 
ny  Calva,  with  fifty  soldiers  of  the    garrison,    to    the 
defence  of  St.  Thomas'  Gate.     But   these,    having 
met  a  body  of  the  conspirators,   and    being    deserted 
by  a  part  of  their  number,  were  obliged  to  retire  into 
the  house  of  Adam  Centurione.    Finding  there  Fran- 
cis Grimaldi,  Dominic  Doria,  and  several  other   gen- 
tlemen, they  resumed  their  courage  and  returned,  by 
^  different  route,  to  the  gate.     But  they  found  it  so 


AGAIN'ST    GENOA/  l63 

well  guarded,  and  were    attacked  with  such    vigor, 
that  they  retreated,  leaving  Boniface  Lotnellino  pris- 
oner, who  distinguished  himself,  in  this  action,  by  his 
courage,  and  happily  escaped  from  the   conspirators. 
The  Senate  having  found   that  nothing    could    he 
effected  by  force,    had    recourse    to    remonstrances.. 
They   deputed    Jerome  de  Fiesco,  a  relation    of  the 
count,  and  Jerome  Canevale  to  demand    the  reason 
of  this  commotion  ;    and  immediately  after.  Cardinal 
Doria,  who  was  allied    to  him,    together   with   John 
Baptist  Lercaro,  and  Bernard  Castagna,   both    sena- 
tors, resolved,  at  the  desire  of  the  senate,   to  go  and 
speak  to  the  count  and   endeavor    to    appease   him. 
But,  perceiving  that  every  thing  was   in   such  confu- 
sion that,  if  he  ventured  into  the  city,  he  should,  with- 
out any  prospect  of  advantage,   expose  his  dignity  to 
the  insolence  of   a    furious    populace,    he    declined 
leaving  the  senate  house.     The  senate  then  gave  the 
same  commission  to    Augustine    Lomellino,   Hector 
Fiesco,    Ansaldo  Justiniani,    Ambrose    Spinola,    and 
John  Balliano,  who,  perceiving  a  party  of  armed  men 
coming  towards  them,  supposed  the  count  was  among 
them,  and  stopped  at  St.  Siro  to  wait  for    him.     As 
soon  as  the   conspirators   saw    them,    they    attacked 
them,  and  made  Lomellino  and    Hector  Fiesco  flee. 
Ansaldi  Justiniani  stood  firm,  and,  addressing  Jerome, 
who  led  the  party,  he  enquired,  in  the   name   of  the 
republic,  for  the  count.     The  conspirators    had  just 
learnt  that  he  was  dead.     Verrina,  after  having,    for 
a  long  time,  sought  him   in  vain,   had  returned  to  his 


164  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

galley  in  despair,  hearing  from  all  quarters  that  he 
was  no  where  to  be  found.  Jerome,  therefore,  bold- 
ly and  very  imprudently  answered  Justiniani,  that  it 
was  now  too  late  to  seek  for  any  count  but  himself, 
and  demanded  that  the  palace  should  be  instantly 
surrendered  to  him. 

The^3enate,  discovering  from  this  reply  that  the 
count  was  dead,  resumed  their  courage,  and  sent 
twelve  gentlemen  to  rally  as  many  of  the  guard,  and 
of  the  people,  as  they  could  put  in  a  posture  of  de- 
fence. Some,  even  of  those  most  ardently  attached 
to  Fiesco,  began  to  be  alarmed.  Many,  who  had  not 
so  much  affection  for  Jerome  as  they  had  had  for  his 
brother,  nor  so  much  confidence  in  his  talents,  disper- 
sed the  moment  they  heard  of  his  death.  Confusion 
entering  the  party  of  the  conspirators,  those  in  the 
senate  house  perceived  it,  and  deliberated  whether 
they  should  attack  them,  or  negotiate  with  them. 
The  first  course  was  proposed  as  the  most  honorable, 
but  the  last  was  adopted  as  the  most  safe.  Paul 
Pansa,  a  man  of  high  consideration  in  the  republic, 
and  constant  in  his  attachment  to  the  family  of  Fiesco, 
was  selected  as  the  most  proper  agent  for  this  pur- 
pose. The  senate  instructed  him  to  offer  to  Jerome 
a  full  pardon  for  himself  and  all  his  accomplices.  He 
consented,  by  the  persuasions  of  Pansa,  to  accept 
these  terms  ;  and  the  pardon  was  signed  and  sealed, 
with  all  the  requisite  formalities,  by  Ambrose  Senare- 
gua,  the  secretary  of  the  republic.  Jerome  thereup- 
on left  Genoa,  accompanied  by  his  whole  party,  and 


AGAINST    GENOA. 


165 


retired  to  Montobio.       Ottoban,    Verrina.    Calcagno, 
and  Sacco,  who  had  escai^ed  in  Fiesco's  galley,  look 
the  route  towards  France,  and  after  sending  back  un- 
hurt  Lercaro,  Manfredo,   Centurione    and    Vaccaro, 
whom  they  had  taken  at  St.  Thomas'  gale,  they  arriv- 
ed at  Marseilles.      At  the  end  of  fou'r  ilays,  the  body 
of  th.e  count  was  found,  and  liaving  been  exposed  for 
a  short  time,  on  the  shore,  was jdMmvni^ioJLalll'gL.^J^a.^b^^ 
the  order  of  Ajndrew_JJ[9xijci.       Benedict    Centurione 
and  Dominic  Doria  were   sent  to  Andrew  to  condole 
with  him,  in  the  name  of  the  republic,  on  the  death  of 
Giannelino,  and   to  conduct  liim    again  to    the    city, 
where  he  was  received   with   all    imaginable    honors. 
He  went  the  next  day  to  ihe  senate,   and  in  a  violent 
speech,  which  he  took  cure  siiouid    be    supported   by 
1J1&  JI1C11U5),  ne  represented  that  the  republic   was  not 
bound  to  abide   by  the    agreement   which    had    been 
made  with  the  Fiescos,  because  it  had  been  conclud- 
ed contrary  to  all  precedent,  and    signed,  as  it  were, 
sword  in  hand.      He  dwelt  on   the  danger  of  permit- 
ting subjects  to  treat,  in  this  manner,  with  their  sove- 
reign ;  and  insisted  that  to  suffer  a  crime  of  this  mag- 
nitude to  pass   unpunished  would  be  an  example  fatal 
to  the  republic.      In  short,  Andrew  Doria  concealed, 
with  so  much  address,    his   private  views   under   the 
veil  of  public  good,  and  exerted  so  efficiently  his  au- 
thority to  accomplish  his  desire  of  vengeance,  that,  al- 
though many  could  not  approve  such  a  violation  of  the 
public  faith,  the  senate  nevertheless  declared  all    the 
conspirators  guilty  of  high  treason,  ordered  the  nrjag-. 


166 


CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 


niiicent  palace  of  Fiesco  to  be  razed  to  the  ground, 
condemned  to  death  his  brothers  and    the   leaders  of 
his  party,  banished,  for  fifty  years,  all   who   had    the 
least  concern  in  the  enterprise,  and   decreed  that  Je- 
rome Fiesco  should  be  ordered  to  surrender  to  the  re- 
public the  fortress  of  Montobio.    -The  last  decree  was 
not  so  easy  to  be  executed  as  the  others  ;    and  as  the 
place  was  strong,  as  well  by  its  situation  as  its  fortifi- 
cations, upon  which  the  conspirators  were   constantly 
at  work,  they  resolved,   before  they  resorted  to  force, 
the  success  of  which  is  always   doubtful,    to   try    all 
gentle  means  of  inducing  the  Fiescos  to  surrender  it, 
Paul  Pansa  was  directed  to  repair  thither  immediate- 
ly, and  to  offer  reasonable  conditions   to    Jerome,  on 
the  part  of  the  republic  ;    but  he  made   no   other   re- 
ply than  reproaches  for  the  violation   ol  tneir  soiemn 
engageinents,  and  an  indignant  refusal    to    enter    into 
any  treaty  with  the  Genoese.     The  emperor,  fearing 
that  the  French  would    obtain  possession  of  this    for- 
tress, which  is  Inghly  important   to  the  safety  of  Ge- 
noa, urged  the  senate  to  besiege  it,  and  furnished,  for 
this   purpose,    all  •  necessary   assistance.       Augustine 
Spinola,  a  commander   of  high    reputation,    invested 
the  place,  cannonaded  ix  for  forty  days,  and  compel- 
led those   who  were   within  it  to  surrender  at  discre- 
tion. 

Some  historians  accuse  Verrina,  Calcagno  and 
Sacco,  who  had  returned  from  France,  where  they 
had  been  disgusted  with  the  cold  reception  they  had 
met  with,  of  having  advised  Jerome  to  conclude  a  ca- 


AGAINST    GENOA.  l67 

pitulatlon  so  little  honorable  to  his  courage.  The 
capture  of  the  place  was  the  cause  of  new  distrac- 
tions in  the  republic,  the  senators  differing  in  opinion 
with  regard  to  the  punishment  of  the  prisoners.  Ma- 
ny, inclined  to  be  merciful,  were  in  favor  of  pardon- 
ing Jerome,  on  account  of  his  youth  ;  and  insisted 
that  the  family  of  Fiesco  had  been  sufficiently  punish- 
ed by  the  death  of  the  count  and  the  confiscation  of 
all  his  property  ;  but  the  hatred  of  Andrew  Doria 
prevailed  once  more  over  the  clemency  of  the  senate  ; 
he  procured  a  decree  to  be  passed  that  Jerome  Fi- 
esco, Verrina,  Calcagno,  and  Assereto  should  be  ex- 
ecuted, and  one  still  more  detestable  against  Ottoban, 
which  prohibited  his  posterity,  to  the  fifth  generation, 
from  approaching  Genoa. 

Here  let  us  stop,  and  consider  particularly  all  that 
happened  in  the  execution  of  this  great  design.  Let 
us,  if  possible,  deduce,  from  the  numerous  errors 
which  we  may  perceive,  examples  of  human  weak- 
ness ;  and  let  us  acknowledge  that  this  enterprise, 
which  in  its  conception  was  a  masterpiece  of  human 
courage  and  subtlety,  exhibited  in  its  progress  and 
termination  .the  ordinary  effects  of  the  meanness  and 
imperfection  of  our  nature.  How^dis^niCfiLful  it  was 
in  Andrew  Doria  to  abj_nd(?n  the  city,  at  the  very  be- 
ginning of  the  disturbance,  without  making  the  slight- 
est effort  to  quell,  by  his  authority,  the  tumult  of  the 
populace  !  What  infatuation  to  disregard  the  informa- 
tion, which  came  to  him  from  several  sources,  of  th« 
design  of  the  count !  What  imprudence  in  Giannetino 


168  CONSPIRACY    OP    FIESCO 

to  go  alone,  in  the  darkness  of  night,  to  the  gate  of 
St.  Thomas,  to  appease  a  comnriotion,  which  he  had 
no  reason  to  despise,  heing  ignorant  of  the  cause  I 
What  cowardice  in  Cardinal  Doria,  who  dared  not 
leave  the  senate  house  to  awe  the  people  hy  the  dig- 
nity of  his  station  !  What  imprudence  in  the  senate  to 
neglect  assembling,  on  the  first  alarm,  all  their  forces, 
to  check  the  progress  of  the  conspirators,  merely- 
sending  small  detachments,  which  could  effect  noth- 
ing important  !  And  how  ridiculous,  in  fine,  it  was 
to  attempt  to  recal  to  his  duty,  by  retnonstrances,  an 
avowed  rebel,  with  arms  in  his  hands  and  superior 
in  force  1  But  having  concluded  a  formal  treaty,  by 
what  maxim  can  the  senate  be  justified  for  violating 
the  public  faith  so  solemnly  pledged  to  Jerome  and 
Ottoban  ?  If  the  apprehension  of  similar  treatment 
may  be  advantageous  to  a  state,  by  restraining,  with- 
in the  bounds  of  duty,  those  who  have  an  inclination 
ty  revolt,  it  may  also  be  pernicious,  by  depriving  of 
all  hope  of  pardon  those  who  have  revolted.  And  it 
is,  indeed,  difficult  to  comprehend,  why  those  politi- 
cians, who  were  considered  able  men,  were  not  ap- 
prehensive of  driving  to  despair,  by  this  example,  Je- 
rome Fiesco,  who  still  held  the  rock  of  Montobio, 
which  he  might  surrender  into  the  hands  of  foreign- 
ers, and  the  loss  of  which  must  have  been  followed 
by  the  destruction  of  Genoa. 

But  if  those,  of  whom  we  have  just  spoken,  com- 
mitted remarkable  faults,  it  may,  with  equal  truth,  be 
said,  that  the  conspirators  committed  even  greater, 


AGAINST    GENOA.  l69 

after  they  had  lost  their  chief.  His  valor  and  pru- 
dence, which  animated  and  directed  his  party,  vanish- 
ing at  his  death,  confusion  ensued,  which  completed 
their  ruin.  Jerome,  who  ought,  for  many  reasons,  to 
have  concealed  the  death  of  his  brother,  was  the  first 
to  announce  it,  and  thereby  revived  the  courage  of 
his  enemies,  and  threw  dismay  into  the  ranks  of  his 
friends.  Ottobaii^^Verrina,  Calcagno  and  Sacco,  who 
escaped  in  t^hegallej^  set  at  liberty^  almost  as  soon 
as  they  had  left  Genoa,  the  prisoners  they  had  made, 
without  reflecting  that  they  might  be  of  great  use  in 
effecting  their  accommodation.  Verrina,  when  in- 
formed of  the  death  of  the  count,  fled,  and  shame- 
fully abandoned  an  important  enterprise  to  the  direc- 
tion of  Jerome,  who  had  neither  sufficient  experience, 
nor  sufficient  authority  over  the  conspirators,  to  com- 
plete it.  This  same  Jerome  made  a  treaty  with  the 
senate,  and  consented  to  return  to  the  condition  of  a 
private  citizen,  after  having  been  on  the  point  of  be- 
coming a  sovereign.  He  afterwards  made  a  disgrace- 
ful capitulation  in  Montobio,  confiding  in  the  faith  of 
those  who  had  already  violated  their  engagements. 
Verrina,  Calcagno  and  Sacco,  the  principal  actors  in 
this  conspiracy,  and  the  most  criminal  of  all  the  ac- 
complices of  the  count,  persuaded  Jerome,  from  the 
hope  of  impunity  which  they  indulged,  to  commit 
this  unworthy  action,  preferring  rather  to  run  the 
hazard  of  dying  by  the  hands  of  an  executioner,  than 
to  meet  an  honorable  death  in  a  breach. 

Thus  terminated  this  great  enterprise  ;    thus  died 
15 


170  CONSPIRACY    OF    FIESCO 

John  Lewis  Fiesco,  count  of  Lavagna,  whom  some 
honor  with  splendid  eulogiums,  whom  others  censure, 
and  whom  many  excuse.  If  we  regard  the  maxim, 
which  commands  us  always  to  respect  the  actual  gov- 
ernment under  which  we  Hve,  his  ambition,  without 
doubt,  was  criminal ;  if  we  consider  his  courage,  and 
the  brilliant  qualities  which  shone  forth  in  the  man- 
agement of  his  enterprise,  it  appears  noble  and  gene- 
rous ;  if  we  regard  the  power  of  the  Dorias  which 
gave  him  good  reason  to  apprehend  the  ruin  of  the 
republic  and  of  himself,  it  appears  excusable.  But 
in  whatever  manner  it  may  be  spoken  of,  the  most 
prejudiced  cannot  deny  that  all  the  ill  they  can  say 
of  him  may  also  be  said  of  the  most  illustrious  men. 
He  was  born  in  a  small  state,  where  all  subordinate 
stations  were  beneath  his  aspirations  and  his  merit ; 
the  restlessness  natural  to  his  countrymen,  ever  in- 
clined to  novelty,  the  elevation  of  his  own  mind,  his 
youth,  his  immense  wealth,  the  number  and  the  adu- 
lation of  his  friends,  the  attachment  of  the  people,  the 
respect  shown  him  by  foreign  princes,  and,  in  fine, 
the  esteem  of  all  men,  were  circumstances  peculiarly 
adapted  to  inspire  with  ambition  a  mind  less  ardent 
than  his.  The  result  of  his  enterprise  was  one  of 
those  accidents  which  human  wisdom  cannot  foresee. 
Had  his  success  been  equal  to  the  vigor  and  talent 
he  displayed,  his  courage  and  destiny  might  have 
raised  him  higher  than  the  sovereignty  of  Genoa;  and 
those  who,  since  his  death,  have  vilified  his  memory, 
would  have  been,  while  he  lived,   the  first  to  sing  his 


AGAINST    GENOA.  1/1 

praises.  Those  authors  who,  to  gratify  the  hatred  of 
the  Dorias,  and  to  justify  the  senate  for  their  breach 
of  faith,  have  aspersed  him  with  the  blackest  calum- 
nies, would  then  have  composed  his  panegyric,  and 
posterity  would  have  placed  him  in  the  number  of 
the  heroes  of  his  age.  So  true  it  is,  that  good  or  ill 
success  is  the  ordinary  criterion  by  which  praise  or 
censure  is  apphed  to  extraordinary  actions.  Never- 
theless, I  think  it  may  be  said,  consistently  with  the 
duty  of  a  historian  who  pronounces  judgment  upon 
the  reputations  of  men,  that  nothing  was  wanting  to 
establish  that  of  John  Lewis  Fiesco  but  a  longer  life, 
and  more  just  occasions  of  acquiring  glory. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

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